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The adoption of risk assessment instruments and practices in community sanctions founded in a risk-needs-responsivity framework and an increased political emphasis on recidivism has opened up the potential revival of notions of rehabilitation. Interviews with a group of Sydney-based accommodation and rehabilitation post-release service providers suggest that this potential is being undercut by the failure to address structural problems in the provision of services and a shift in emphasis from service provision to "criminogenic needs". The chapter then addresses a set of more general themes: "systemic responsivity", the individualizing tendency of risk assessment; the need to link risk assessment and desistance theory; the problematic nature of risk assessment for vulnerable populations; and the social justice implications of the professionalization of risk assessment practice.

The chapter summarises the evidence of disproportionate incarceration of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Australia. It then discusses two key recent developments which highlight Indigenous democracy as central to addressing disproportionate Indigenous imprisonment rates and the generally destructive impact of the criminal justice system on Indigenous communities and people. The central argument is that social and criminal justice policies must be fashioned in terms of Indigenous democracy, a term used as shorthand for issues of Indigenous governance, empowerment, self- determination and nation building.

Community sanctions involving supervision are a neglected field in criminological research and are widely viewed in political, media and public discourse as 'not prison' and a 'let-off'. An important new book, Pervasive Punishment by Fergus McNeill (2019), redresses this neglect by attempting to 'make sense of mass supervision' as a lived experience. Utilising a short story and allied projects with supervisees involving photographs and songs, he constructs a 'counter-visual' criminology that elucidates the ways supervision constitutes 'pervasive punishment'. This article reviews McNeill's argument and assesses its applicability in the Australian context.

During the current enlargement process, the issues surrounding the Third Pillar of the European Union, with the exception of elements of the asylum & immigration acquis (which were subsequently transferred to the European Community pillar at Amsterdam), have been relatively marginalized. At one stage, it was even suggested that a partial accession could take place, with entrance to Pillars Two & Three considered of little difficulty to the applicant states from Central & Eastern Europe, while the more complex elements of the Community acquis would be postponed to a later date. This paper, by critically examining the likely solutions offered by two of the original 'first wave' candidates, Poland & Estonia, will suggest that accession to the internal security agenda of the European Union will be a far greater obstacle than originally imagined. Through a detailed empirical assessment of the administrative & logistic capacities required for full implementation of the 'Tampere agenda' -- the latest development to the internal security acquis, agreed at the Tampere European Council of Oct 1999 -- it will be demonstrated that neither of them is within reach of successfully completing the Justice & Home Affairs acquis within the timetable currently being suggested. Adapted from the source document.

MANY HAVE ARGUED THAT THE NATION-STATE IS WITHERING IN THE FACE OF GLOBALIZATION, ON THE ONE HAND, AND A RISING ETHNIC CONSCIOUSNESS, ON THE OTHER. THE PURPOSE OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO REVIEW CRITICALLY THESE ARGUMENTS BY EXAMINING THE CASE OF SINGAPORE, WHERE NEITHER GLOBALIZATION NOR MULTI-ETHNICITY HAS INHIBITED THE DEVELOPMENT OF A STRONG NATION-STATE. IT ARGUES THAT VARIATIONS IN THE STRENGTH OF NATION-STATES CAN BE ELUCIDATED BY PERCEIVING THEM AS UNITS OF IDEOLOGICAL MANAGEMENT, RATHER THAN SIMPLY AS UNITS OF ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT.