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Switzerland is known for its multilingualism, yet not all languages are represented equally in society. The situation is exacerbated by the influx of heritage languages and English through migration and globalization processes which challenge the traditional education system. This study is the first to investigate how schools in Grisons, Fribourg, and Zurich negotiate neoliberal forces leading to a growing necessity of English, a romanticized view on national languages, and the social justice perspective of institutionalizing heritage languages. It uncovers power and legitimacy issues and showcases students' and teachers' complex identities to advocate equitable multilingual education.

Switzerland is known for its multilingualism, yet not all languages are represented equally in society. The situation is exacerbated by the influx of heritage languages and English through migration and globalization processes which challenge the traditional education system. This study is the first to investigate how schools in Grisons, Fribourg, and Zurich negotiate neoliberal forces leading to a growing necessity of English, a romanticized view on national languages, and the social justice perspective of institutionalizing heritage languages. It uncovers power and legitimacy issues and showcases students' and teachers' complex identities to advocate equitable multilingual education.

Switzerland is known for its multilingualism, yet not all languages are represented equally in society. The situation is exacerbated by the influx of heritage languages and English through migration and globalization processes which challenge the traditional education system. This study is the first to investigate how schools in Grisons, Fribourg, and Zurich negotiate neoliberal forces leading to a growing necessity of English, a romanticized view on national languages, and the social justice perspective of institutionalizing heritage languages. It uncovers power and legitimacy issues and showcases students' and teachers' complex identities to advocate equitable multilingual education.

Anna Becker untersucht anhand der Lebensführung hochqualifizierter Migrantinnen und Migranten idealtypisch die Herausforderungen, mit denen Menschen in Zeiten von Globalisierung, flexibilisierten Arbeitsmärkten und gestiegenen Mobilitätsanforderungen konfrontiert sind. Über die Analyse der Verortungspraktiken von beruflich Mobilen zwischen Entankerung und Wiedereinbettung zeigt die Autorin auf, wie sich soziale Beziehungen unter den Bedingungen von Mobilität, Temporalität und kultureller Vielfalt gestalten und welche Funktionen sozialräumliche Strukturen für lokale und transnationale Einbettung sowie für das Zusammenleben und gesellschaftliche Teilhabe erhalten. Inhalt Wohnungssuche und Standortentscheidung bei internationaler Mobilität Settings und Felder sozialräumlicher Verortung Habitustransformation und ethnisch-kulturelle Grenzziehungen Verortungsstrategien zwischen lokaler und transnationaler Einbettung Die Bedeutung von Orten bei mobiler Lebensführung Zielgruppen Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler, Dozierende und Studierende der Migrationsforschung, Stadtsoziologie, Humangeographie und Stadtplanung Verantwortliche in öffentlichen Verwaltungen im Bereich Stadtentwicklung, Migration und Integration Die Autorin Anna Becker arbeitet als Wissenschaftlerin beim vhw - Bundesverband für Wohnen und Stadtentwicklung e.V. und forscht zu Migration und gesellschaftlicher Vielfalt, sozialer Stadt(teil)entwicklung und der digitalen Transformation städtischer Gesellschaften

In the history of early modern political thought, gender is not well established as a subject. It seems that early modern politics and its philosophical underpinnings are characterized by an exclusion of women from the political sphere. This article shows that it is indeed possible to write a gendered history of early modern political thought that transcends questions of the structural exclusion of women from political participation. Through a nuanced reading of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century commentaries on Aristotle's practical philosophy, it deconstructs notions on the public/political and private/apolitical divide and reconstructs that early modern thinkers saw the relationship of husband and wife as deeply political. The article argues that it is both necessary and possible to write gender in and into the history of political thought in a historically sound and firmly contextual way that avoids anachronisms, and it shows - as Joan Scott has suggested - that gender is indeed a 'useful category'in the history of political thought.

This article argues that early modern political thinkers did not think about "success" and "failure" in modern terms of material well-being or as results of individual action and self-actualisation. Focusing on the thought of Niccolò Machiavelli and Jean Bodin, two key thinkers of the early modern period, the article shows that two aspects were central to early modern thinkers but that tend to be disregarded in modern debates. Early modern thinkers put considerably more emphasis on the role of fortune, the unruly force which controling human actions, human success and human failure. And they emphasised the central role of the common good as the benchmark against which success needed to be measured.

This article argues that early modern political thinkers did not think about "success" and "failure" in modern terms of material well-being or as results of individual action and self-actualisation. Focusing on the thought of Niccolò Machiavelli and Jean Bodin, two key thinkers of the early modern period, the article shows that two aspects were central to early modern thinkers but that tend to be disregarded in modern debates. Early modern thinkers put considerably more emphasis on the role of fortune, the unruly force which controling human actions, human success and human failure. And they emphasised the central role of the common good as the benchmark against which success needed to be measured.

Challenging the common conception of Jean Bodin as an 'anti-Aristotelian' thinker, this article places Bodin's political thought in the context of oeconomics-the science, or art of the household-as it had developed in medieval and Renaissance commentaries on Aristotle's practical philosophy. The article argues that he thereby took part in a longstanding discussion in European political thought which saw the household as possessing a political dimension. Bodin's thought on the family is central to both his universal claims pertaining to his notion of the political and his more particular interest in sovereignty and the origins of absolutism. The article explores Bodin's analysis of the household as the starting point of his inquiry into the nature of a commonwealth and the foundation of his conception of the state; it examines the relationship of la police and l'oeconomie in detail, and argues that the conjugal relationship is the determinant for Bodin's conception of absolute rule and of the origins of supreme power. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]