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State control over the labour market usually results in the creation of different categories of labour, each having partial and unequal access to that market. In the Third World, typically, justification for control arises from an over-supply of unskilled rural labour and a small demand for such labour in the wage economy. To reduce massive urban unemployment, the state attempts to control the process of rural-urban migration by, inter alia, manipulating the labour market. ^ In South Africa, the civilised labour policy of the Pact government and the highly sophisticated system of black influx control introduced after the Second World War are two examples of such state control. In these cases, racial categories of labour, having differential access to the labour market, were created. The policy of Coloured Labour Preference is another South African example which is of particular interest since it is applied solely to one region of the Republic. Since 1962, when it was administratively coordinated for the first time, this policy has been applied in the Western Cape, a region comprising the 68 magisterial districts situated south-west of Port Elizabeth, Kimberley and the Orange River. In this region, black work-seekers' access to the labour market is severely curtailed. A series of regulations, particular to the Western Cape, are applied with the object of restricting the number of blacks resident in the region; denying blacks permanent rights of sojourn in the region; restricting the scope of employment for blacks in the region; and favouring coloured above black work-seekers throughout the region. In short, the policy aims to replace black by coloured labour and thereby aims to reduce to a minimum the number of blacks in the region. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

"Case studies of metropolitan cities in nine African countries - from Egypt in the north to three in West and Central Africa, two in East Africa and three in Southern Africa - make up the empirical foundation of this publication. The interrelated themes addressed in these chapters - the national influence on urban development, the popular dynamics that shape urban development and the global currents on urban development - make up its framework. All authors and editors are African, as is the publisher. The only exception is Göran Therborn whose recent book, Cities of Power, served as motivation for this volume. Accordingly, the issue common to all case studies is the often conflictual powers that are exercised by national, global and popular forces in the development of these African cities. Rather than locating the case studies in an exclusively African historical context, the focus is on the trajectories of the postcolonial city (with the important exception of Addis Ababa with a non-colonial history that has granted it a special place in African consciousness). These trajectories enable comparisons with those of postcolonial cities on other continents. This, in turn, highlights the fact that Africa - today, the least urbanised continent on an increasingly urbanised globe - is in the thick of processes of large-scale urban transformation, illustrated in diverse ways by the case studies that make up the foundation of this publication"--Publisher's description

Rural development comprises three components: production, consumption and organisation. PRODUCTION points to the activities rural people undertake to obtain goods (such as food) and services (such as transport) for themselves and others in their community. Production can be measured in terms of the amount of money a rural family earns, or in terms of the amount of food the family grows and consumes. CONSUMPTION points to the fulfilment of the needs—in the first place, the basic needs—of rural families. Primary examples are the availability of clean water and of wood as a fuel source, of health and adequate nutrition, of education, welfare and transport. These needs are met by the delivery of services to a rural community. Services are provided in the first place by the central state, often through its local authority (in Ciskei, the Tribal Authority). They may also be provided by voluntary associations active in the community, or by the household itself. ORGANISATION points simply to the ways in which productive activities (work) and consumption (receiving) are linked together in a rural community. The structure of the Tribal Authority and village councils, of schools, clinics, agricultural cooperatives, churches and women's groups are examples. All these institutions are designed to improve production and consumption in a given rural community. A rural development strategy then is a strategy aimed at improving production, consumption and the ways in which these two are linked. A rural development strategy moreover is initiated by the central government and can therefore be seen as a relationship between the central government and rural communities in Ciskei. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

The territory known as Ciskei - an independent national state - and its de facto residents, known as Ciskeians, are the administrative, organisational and financial responsibility of the Ciskei government. As such, this government plans strategies aimed at promoting development for Ciskeians in its territory. Very broadly, 'development' is understood to mean the improvement of the life chances and living conditions of Ciskeians, and of poorer Ciskeians in particular (Ward, 1980). The Ciskei government, by its very nature, thus sees itself as intimately involved in the creation and implementation of a development strategy focussed on its territory. This paper has three interrelated aims. First, a demographic and socio-economic profile of Ciskei will be presented. This will be attempted by using such generally accepted indicators as trends in population, gross national product, unemployment rates, and per capita income. In addition, three types of classification will be introduced to sharpen this profile. Ciskeian resident communities will be grouped together, on the basis of their location and access to productive activities, into (i) urban communities, (ii) rural villages, and (iii) closer settlements. In the second place, cash- -earning workers will be grouped together, on the basis of their places of residence and of work, into (i) Ciskeian workers, (ii) frontier commuters (Riekert, 1979), and (iii) migrants. Finally, a distinction will be drawn between the income accruing to resident Ciskeian households (i) which is earned within Ciskei itself, and (ii) which is earned outside Ciskei. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

This paper attempts to present a demographic and socio-economic profile of Ciskei and to identify major constraints on Ciskei development

This volume reports on Tsweletswele, a new settlement situated in a tribal area within thirty kilometres of East London. Its residents who came from farms in the region work in East London. Their level of living is low, their access to state services minimal, and their tenure in the settlement uncertain. This report aims to establish what strategies these people choose to survive in their settlement. Subsequently, a set of recommendations are made which are aimed at improving the levels of living in the community, the delivery of essential services, and the tenure arrangements in the settlement