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ABSTRACTIt is a poorly kept humanitarian secret that wherever food aid is given, it is also sold, as recipients seek to vary their diets to include culturally desired food, start businesses, or deal with economic shocks. This holds true in Nyarugusu refugee camp in Tanzania, the site of this research. While this article addresses the supply side of the World Food Programme resale system, its main focus is the demand side, providing one of the first in‐depth studies on what happens after the sale. Engaging with the political and development anthropology literature on brokers, the author introduces the intermediaries who make up this system, including low‐level madalali brokers and refugee and Tanzanian 'bosses'. There is agreement within brokerage research of the moral 'ambiguity' or 'ambivalence' of these figures, a nebulous quality that is heightened by the seemingly innumerable different types of brokers. This article contends that a Marxian conceptualization of social class, beyond Bourdieu's widely applied social capital theory, is productive in understanding the threat of violence that a small cartel of bosses has set up in collusion with Tanzanian police to maintain the exploitative food aid resale pyramid. Members of this elite class are, in turn, 'products and producers' of a structurally violent encampment and aid system.

The refugee regime structure follows a "xeno-racist" colonial genealogy. In this context, refugee cash transfers represent a biopolitical diagnostic, indicating where refugees are worthy or have the "bio-legitimacy" to reside. This article offers a brief genealogy of different iterations of cash operations, which include cash for repatriation at the end of the Cold War, cash for urban Iraqi refugees in Jordan following the second Gulf War, and the Tanzania government's recent decision to abruptly shut down a cash project in Nyarugusu refugee camp. Simply stated, where cash is allowed to flow, so too are refugees. ; La structure du régime des réfugiés suit une généalogie coloniale « xéno-raciste ». Dans ce contexte, les transferts d'argent aux réfugiés représentent un diagnostic biopolitique indiquant où les réfugiés sont dignes ou ont la «biolégitimité» de résider. Cet article propose une brève généalogie des différentes itérations des opérations de transfert d'argent, dont le rapatriement d'argent à la fin de la Guerre froide; l'aide en espèces pour les réfugiés urbains irakiens en Jordanie suite à la seconde Guerre du Golfe ; et la décision récente du gouvernement tanzanien de brusquement mettre fin à un programme de transfert d'argent dans le camp de réfugiés de Nyarugusu. En bref, là où l'argent est autorisé à circuler, les réfugiés le sont également.

This article explores the link between migration and alienation and its impact on the mental health and wellbeing of Congolese and Somali asylum seekers and refugees—two of the largest populations of displaced migrants in South Africa. Drawing on ethnographic research in Johannesburg, we highlight the various ways alienation is both imposed upon and experienced by migrants and argue that systemic disintegration, or acts of alienation, can be seen as deliberate and active policies and practices that are instrumental in excluding asylum seekers and refugees from everyday life. The experiences of marginalization and othering narrated by Congolese and Somali migrants highlight ways in which alienation and disintegration from critical social connections including family, community, and familiar contexts fundamentally impact wellbeing and mental health as well as strategies of care-seeking, and other forms of relational resilience. While conceptualizations and metrics of integration may in some ways capture the fallout of disintegration, such as access to livelihoods, housing, education, and healthcare, we suggest that this does not adequately assess the profound damage by acts of alienation on crucial relationships. The alienated psyche of innumerable migrants in South Africa results in the feeling that "when a bad thing happens…you are better only when you are home." This pain, or feelings of alienation, we argue, are a crucial aspect to our understanding of alienation and in turn, highlight the importance of alienation as an apt analytical tool through which experiences of asylum-seeking in South Africa can be understood.

This article utilizes 40 in-depth interviews of healthcare workers (HCWs) including Kenyan nurses, medical doctors, psychologists, pharmacists, refugee NGO officers, and others based in Nairobi who come in professional contact with Congolese and Somali refugees on a regular basis. They were asked to describe barriers to healthcare, care seeking behaviors, and pathways to care that refugees experience. These responses are juxtaposed with 60 life-history interviews, exploring the same topics with Congolese and Somali refugees living in Kawangware and Eastleigh estates. In short, this article argues that refugees and HCWs have a shared understanding of the barriers to healthcare for displaced people, such as poverty, refugee documentation issues, and inadequacy of Nairobi's healthcare system for marginalized populations. However, there is a significant disconnect in perspectives for how healthcare integration should take place regarding major causes of ill health, such as malnutrition and poor hygiene. Refugees understand oppression as a primary structural determinant of health, whereas many HCWs take an individualized view, advocating for modifications of knowledge and behaviors of refugees rather than adjusting structural issues. This is reflective of larger processes, whereby refugees are actively "(dis)integrated" by state and society and are observed by many Kenyans as "(mis)integrating," or integrating "wrongly" or "badly," which has major implications for how to shape possible policy interventions.

Amidst the ever-expanding debates in various academic and policy fields around migrant and refugee integration and local integration, we bring these two concepts in conversation with one another. Until very recently, theories of integration have had a state-centric focus in the Global North. This article expands and complicates this literature to focus on displaced Somalis within Somalia and its borderlands living in the cities of Kismayo and Garowe using mixed qualitative and quantitative methods in five displacement settlements. Toward this end, we use the often- engaged term "domains of integration" to frame integration. In our conceptualization, however, we incorporate the concept of "local integration" as a durable solution. In brief, we see the domains of integration as a productive concept in the Somali context. However, in Somalia, where clans are interwoven into the state, which lacks resources and power, clan affiliation represents social connections domains, yet also influences the state's role in the foundational domain of rights and citizenship and makers and means (employment, housing, education, health). International donors and NGOs, as well as international capitalist urban expansion also have a large role in these processes. As such, we argue that the ten domains of integration (discussed in detail below) intersect and blur to an even greater extent than in European and North American contexts, particularly around crucial issues such as housing, land, and property; a key factor in people's decisions to remain or leave.

IntroductionTraditional, complementary and alternative medicine (TCAM) providers are central for many when seeking healthcare. Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are no exception. This paper seeks to better understand the use of TCAM by IDPs and its connection with the local integration of IDPs into the social fabric of the communities where they have taken refuge. We compare IDPs and non-IDPs access to TCAM providers and their level of confidence in having their healthcare needs met by these sources in Uvira and Kabare territories of South Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).MethodsWe draw from a mixed method, social connections design comprised of participatory workshops with 111 participants; a survey with 847 participants capturing exploring access and trust of TCAM and other wealth and demographic indicators; 24 interviews with traditional healthcare providers; and 56 in-depth life history interviews with IDPs. Collected data were analysed using both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Descriptive statistics (mean, percentage, and standard deviation) and statistical tests (proportions test and t test) were used as quantitative analysis tools whereas thematic content analysis was used for qualitative data.ResultsWe show that IDPs use TCAM more than non IDPs. Access to and trust in traditional healers seems dependent on the exact nature of the services they offer, which varies across our sample. As such, processes of recognition and integration of both IDPs and TCAM providers into formal healthcare systems should be treated cautiously with an understanding of the socio-economic rationales that displaced people and TCAM providers operate under. While many of these TCAM providers are not highly trusted sources in South Kivu, their highly valued treatment of certain conditions such as what is locally known as "mulonge" (and bears similarities with the Buruli ulcer) suggest there may be potential specific areas where collaboration could be successful between biomedical health workers and TCAM providers.

This powerful book explicates the many ways in which colonial encounters continue to shape forced migration, ever evolving with times and various geographical contexts. Bringing historians, political scientists, sociologists, anthropologists and criminologists together, the book presents examples of forced migration events and politics ranging from the 18th century to the practices and geopolitics of the present day. These case studies, covering Europe, Africa, North America, Asia and South America, are then put in dialogue with each other to propose new theoretical and real-world agendas for the field. As the pervasive legacies of colonialism continue to shape global politics, this unprecedented book moves beyond critique, ahistoricity and Eurocentrism in refugee and forced migration studies and establishes postcoloniality and forced migration as an important field of migration research