Iconography of power: Soviet political posters under Lenin and Stalin
In: Studies on the history of society and culture 27
In: A centennial book
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In: Studies on the history of society and culture 27
In: A centennial book
In: Slavic review: interdisciplinary quarterly of Russian, Eurasian and East European studies, Volume 58, Issue 3, p. 690-691
ISSN: 2325-7784
In: Dissent: a journal devoted to radical ideas and the values of socialism and democracy, Volume 36, Issue 3, p. 311
ISSN: 0012-3846
In: Dissent: a journal devoted to radical ideas and the values of socialism and democracy, Volume 36, p. 311-317
ISSN: 0012-3846
The USSR today is in deep crisis, & the political contradictions are far more severe, acute, & intractable than Western press coverage indicates. Mikhail Gorbachev's revolution from above has been slow in gaining momentum in large measure because it has so far failed to bring about radical changes from below -- a revolution in the mentalites (mentalities) & public conduct of Soviet citizens. Gorbachev needs mass mobilization to carry out a vast restructuring of economic, political, social, & cultural institutions, which is stimulated by policies initiated from above, but sustained over the long term by institutional structures that permit autonomous political & social action & a broad sphere for political discourse. Gorbachev's conception of popular participation places a high premium on the very autonomy of word & deed that the whole weight of the Stalinist system managed to crush for nearly sixty years, which is precisely the area where Gorbachev's strategy for perestroika (restructuring) has run into the obstacles of bureaucratic intransigence, & a complex set of popular attitudes -- eg, civic cynicism, inertia, & outright resistance -- which are bred & reinforced by the experience of everyday life. In an effort to surmount these attitudes, Gorbachev has promoted various reforms designed to democratize party & state institutions &, concomitantly, to encourage the formation of voluntary associations. These unofficial groups provide an important indicator of fundamental changes at the grass-roots level, as the locus of new kinds of attitudes & practices in public life. It is argued that the state itself must create a new civil society by opening up a broad sphere for independent organizations & providing the legal & institutional support for these activities. Modified AA
In: The American journal of sociology, Volume 93, Issue 1, p. 215-216
ISSN: 1537-5390
In: International labor and working class history: ILWCH, Volume 26, p. 53-64
ISSN: 1471-6445
In: Politics & society, Volume 9, Issue 3, p. 299-322
ISSN: 1552-7514
In: Comparative studies in society and history, Volume 22, Issue 2, p. 156-173
ISSN: 1475-2999
The sociological study of history has only recently achieved recognition in American sociology. Although historical research occupied an important place in the nineteenth-century European sociological tradition, American scholars long accepted a disciplinary division relegating the study of the past to historians, while reserving contemporary subjects for sociological investigation. The field of historical sociology first witnessed a revival in the 1950s with the publication of Reinhard Bendix'sWork and Authority in Industry(1956) and Neil Smelser'sSocial Change in the Industrial Revolution(1959). During these years, a small chorus of voices called for a more historical approach to sociological problems and closer cooperation between the two disciplines.
In: The American journal of sociology, Volume 84, Issue 2, p. 492-496
ISSN: 1537-5390
In: Studies on the history of society and culture 34
In: Le mouvement social, Issue 196, p. 173
ISSN: 1961-8646
In: Slavic review: interdisciplinary quarterly of Russian, Eurasian and East European studies, Volume 52, Issue 4, p. 810-838
ISSN: 2325-7784
When the State Committee on the State of Emergency (henceforth the Emergency Committee) seized power in the early morning of 19 August 1991, it took steps immediately to assert control over Central Television, radio and the press. At one o'clock in the morning on 19 August, Gennadii Shishkin, first deputy director of TASS, was awakened by a phone call from Leonid Kravchenko, the conservative director of Gosteleradio (the State Committee on Television and Radio) and asked to come to Central Committee headquarters.2 By 2 a.m., the chief editor of the nightly news program "Vremia" had been awakened. Then, at dawn, military vehicles and paratroopers surrounded the Gosteleradio building at Ostankino.