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This article analyzes community activism and state interventionism within a context of racialized and gendered violence that is both direct/physical and structural. It presents a case study of Manguinhos, a cluster of favelas in Rio de Janeiro experiencing the federal Growth Acceleration Program (PAC), which provided political opportunities for community contentions. A main finding is that an oligarchic-patrimonial system suppressed the participatory-democratic aspirations of the federal government and local activists alike. Nevertheless, new rounds of activism keep surging against a prevailing military-repressive logic. Observations and interviews from fieldwork have been supplemented with written sources — relevant public documents, media sources, and research publications. Keywords: community mobilization, patrimonialism, neo-developmentalism, Rio de Janeiro, urban violence ; publishedVersion

This article analyzes community activism and state interventionism within a context of racialized and gendered violence that is both direct/physical and structural. It presents a case study of Manguinhos, a cluster of favelas in Rio de Janeiro experiencing the federal Growth Acceleration Program (PAC), which provided political opportunities for community contentions. A main finding is that an oligarchic-patrimonial system suppressed the participatory-democratic aspirations of the federal government and local activists alike. Nevertheless, new rounds of activism keep surging against a prevailing military-repressive logic. Observations and interviews from fieldwork have been supplemented with written sources—relevant public documents, media sources, and research publications.

The impeachment of the Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff in August 2016 brought to an end a political movement linked to the Workers' Party (Partido dos Traba/hadores, PT) and its leader Luis Inacio Lula da Silva. Lula, as he was commonly known, had become president in January 2003 and was succeeded in 2010 by his chief secretary Dilma. The nearly 14 years in power of what has been termed Lulismo government provides a compelling case study for scholars of democratic developmental states. To that end, this chapter attempts to provide analytical insight into the essence of Lulismo, its sociohistorical genesis, and its broad government policy objectives, which are examined according to their political, social, and economic implications, and whose combined effect we have termed democratic neo-developmentalism. The section that follows begins with an assessment of the similarities and differences between old and new forms of developmentalism in Brazil. This is followed by a discussion on the transformation of what has been termed Petismo into Lulismo and its implications for democracy. The primary focus of the chapter, however, is on the purported success of neo-developmentalism, which will be assessed in terms of its achievements in transforming society and the economy, and in transforming the cities. ; Norges forskningsråd: 241089 ; publishedVersion

The World Development Report 2000/1 is a major event for those concerned with global poverty. The references in WDR 2000/1 to "empowerment" & "voices of the poor" provide the point of departure for a combined discourse analysis & comparative policy analysis. The article looks at the process around the WDR as part of a hegemonic project, & the contents of the WDR are seen as a discursive act related to four different social policy discourses: social paternalism, social liberalism, social corporatism, & social radicalism. The main finding is that the report contributes to the rediscovery of social corporatism, & the communitarian & social-liberal sources of inspiration are outlined. The bearings of the report on liberal-democratic theory are identified, & these liberalist tenets are criticized. An alternative pool of knowledge & experiences in poverty reduction, social radicalism, is presented to point to several shortcomings of the report. The article concludes that WDR 2000/1 represents a discursive innovation, challenging the current neoliberal hegemony from within along the lines of New Social Corporatism. 1 Table, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.

Notwithstanding the shortcomings of the co-operation so far, the political and socio-economic contexts of Mozambique indicate that there is a large need for a stronger trade union movement. Henceforth, a continuation of the co-operation recommended based on a deepgoing redesign of the programme. Tilknyttet prosjekt Evaluering av LOs samarbeid med fagbevegelsen i Mosambik

The report presents an analysis based on a field study of the projects of Høyre and the Centre Party, respectively, and their partners in Tanzania. It also makes recommendations with regards to future project activities. Tilknyttet prosjekt Evaluering av Høyres og Senterpartiets samarbeidsprosjekter med politiske partier i Tanzania

AbstractBetween 2010 and 2016, over 65,000 slum dwellers were forcibly evicted in Rio de Janeiro. This article compares three cases of anti‐eviction resistance over this period. While the three case study communities were all relatively successful in contesting evictions, the outcomes (material, social, political‐symbolic) of their mobilizations were different. To understand how and why, we examine and compare the structures and processes of mobilization in these three communities and show how they found different openings and limitations in the changing political opportunity structure. We distinguish three distinct 'moments' or opportunity structures in Rio de Janeiro's urban governance between 2010 and 2016. We term these the City of Exception, the City in Revolt and the City in Crisis. The analytical and theoretical framework of contentious politics helps us draw together and expand on two dominant narratives in scholars' approach to slum evictions: on the one hand a top‐down perspective of the 'city against slum dwellers'; on the other a bottom‐up perspective of 'slum dwellers against the city'. In this article we test the usefulness of our expanded framework—contentious politics of slums—for understanding the organization and outcomes of community resistance against evictions, and discuss its relevance for research on the politics of slums in the global South.

The Norwegian scheme for democracy support through the political parties aims to contribute to democratic and well-functioning party organizations in developing countries. After having been administered by the parties themselves through a centre for democracy support since 2002 the scheme came under the Norwegian agency for development support – Norad – in 2011. The present Review takes stock of the operation and results of the current scheme and provides a set of recommendations for its future. Tilknyttet prosjekt Demokratistøtten 2014

This is a summary of three more extensive reports that are supposed to contribute to a baseline for the local government reform programme in Tanzania.