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Discourse surrounding the 'refugee issue', particularly within self-declared left-leaning, liberal movements, has often centred on the rhetoric of welcome. The narrative however has been adopted, reproduced and circulated without critically interrogating the framing by which such welcome is called upon. This article argues, rather than being inclusionary, the idea of welcome within the Australian context is in fact an exclusionary practice. Welcome as an extension of border imperialism. It explores the inherent paradoxes, assumptions and colonial undercurrents though a public intervention, Unwelcome Mats, commissioned as part of Melbourne Fringe Festival. Unwelcome Mats was an intervention that saw a series of welcome mats printed with the word 'unwelcome' and placed at buildings where the act of welcoming is and has been a point of contention, including the Immigration Museum, Old Parliament house and the Department of Citizenship and Border Protection. Unwelcome Mats, instead of a one-dimensional welcome, sought to instead ask: who has the imperial, historical power to welcome?

Examines impact that the Basic Law to take effect Dec. 1999 will have on Chinese and Portuguese authority over the territory, on the local political-economic elite, and on functioning of the political system; Macao.

Mercedes Canas arbeitet im Zentrum für feministische Studien (CEF), der ersten und bis jetzt einzigen Frauenorganisation El Salvadors, die sich als feministisch bezeichnet. Die Lateinamerika Nachrichten sprachen mit ihr über die Vorbereitung des VI. Treffens von Frauen aus Lateinamerika und der Karibik, das vom 30. Oktober bis zum 5. November in El Salvador stattfinden wird, sowie über das Verhältnis der feministischen Bewegung zu den anderen Frauenorganisationen und zur FMLN. (LA-N)

This article analyzes the place and importance of multilateralism in East Timor's foreign policy, focusing two very relevant examples: G7+, organization that gathers fragile States in Africa, Asia, Pacific and the Caribbean who share a conflict and resilience experiences, and ASEAN, organization who supports regional integration in Southeast Asia, with a consensus based peculiar decision-making process. In the former case, East-Timorese impulse, commitment and leadership are most significant, in the latter, the admission procedures, a priority for all the East-Timorese governments, has been complex and delayed. The purpose of the article is providing an overview of East Timor's multilateral experience in both institutions, and discussing its results, limitations and ambiguities.

Abstract
The main goal of this article is to present the challenges for Portuguese colonial policy during the First Republic (1910–26), focusing on the international pressures against the survival of the Portuguese Empire. The article is divided into three parts: in the first we outline the state of the art regarding the questions to be raised. This is followed by an analysis of Portuguese colonial policy in the post-Versailles international context, particularly Afonso Costa's negotiations for war reparations. In the third part, we examine particular aspects of the relationship between Portugal and the League of Nations in relation to colonial questions: namely, forced labour and the illicit trafficking of opium.

The complexity of the democratic transition in Indonesia creates the opportunity of an interpretation of the July 2014 Presidential elections and of the April 2014 Parliamentary elections. The purpose of this analysis is to identify signs of change and continuity. This article will focus on the electoral events of April and July, describing the protagonists and the campaign main issues in order to explain ruptures and continuities, similarities and differences. The text will reflect the tension between atavism and the drive for reforms which, since 1998, influenced the discourse and political life in Indonesia. Adapted from the source document.

O artigo procura traçar uma genealogia do debate em torno da construção e da viabilidade do Estado em Timor‑Leste, desde os alvores da ideia de independência aos nossos dias: percorre o período 1974‑75, a ocupação indonésia até ao início e termo da administração internacional das Nações Unidas (1999‑2002) e finalmente a assunção da soberania em 2002, com os subsequentes desafios e dificuldades desde então sentidos. Este debate reflete tensões políticas de âmbito regional e internacional e deve ser inserido nos contextos históricos específicos em que ocorreu tal produção discursiva. Para além da definição de um quadro conceptual que se ensaia na aplicação ao caso, serão analisadas as posições dos principais intervenientes externos no processo, Estados e organizações internacionais, cujas motivações serão objeto de reflexão.