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The agenda for the fight against corruption has become a prominent part of the relationships of international organizations with nation-states. This article analyses the fight against corruption as a vital topic in Turkey's bid for European Union (EU) membership. It also assesses the EU's approach and framework for the candidate countries. For this purpose, qualitative document analysis is carried out on 80 EU documents on Turkey for the years between 1998 and 2021, based on process tracing. The analysis demonstrates that corruption is a persistent issue in Turkey across multiple fields. Progress is still slow, and Turkey is far from fulfilling the membership requirements for the fight against corruption. The EU has advocated for political will and a new strategy to address corruption in Turkey, focusing on institutional capacity and governance, international commitments, the fight against
clientelism and political corruption, and the independence of the judiciary.

Bu makale, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) iktidarlarının Batı Balkanlara yönelik dış politikasını irdelemektedir. Uzman mülakatı ile toplanan veriler, Türkiye'nin güçlü ve zayıf yönleri ile bölgede sahip olduğu fırsatları ve karşılaştığı tehditleri sıralamak için kullanılmıştır. 'Türk dış politikası ve Batı Balkanlar' konusunda uzman 15 akademisyen/araştırmacı ile gerçekleştirilen yapılandırılmış mülakatlar için – Güçlü yönler (Strength), Zayıf yönler (Weakness), Fırsatlar (Opportunities) ve Tehditler (Threat) kelimelerinin baş harflerinden oluşan SWOT analizi yapılmıştır. Türkiye'nin bölge ile olan tarihsel-sosyolojik bağları, yumuşak güç ve kamu diplomasisi, ekonomik ve ticari gündemi de dâhil dış politika aktivizmi 'güçlü' yönleri; bölgedeki olumsuz algısı, siyasi ve ekonomik istikrarsızlığı, uluslararası rekabet ve Batı ile yaşanan sorunlar ve son olarak bürokratik problemler, 'zayıf' yönleri olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. İktisadi-ticari potansiyel ve kimlik temelli fırsatlar, alternatif güçlerin kapasite ve etkinlikleri ile Türkiye'nin Euro-Atlantik ağı, bölgede sahip olduğu 'fırsatlar'; alternatif güçler ve artan rekabet, iktidarın mevcut dış politikasından kaynaklanan sorunlar ve bölgenin kendi dinamiklerinin yarattığı belirsizlikler, bölgede karşılaştığı 'tehditler' olarak sıralanmaktadır. Türkiye'nin bölgede sürdürülebilir bir dış politika izleyebilmesi için kurumsallaşma kapasitesini ve inisiyatiflerini güçlendirmesi, daha da önemlisi bölgeye ilişkin kapsayıcı yeni bir yaklaşım benimsemesiönerilmektedir.

International and regional organizations can act as persuasive actors with regard to minority rights in a given country by raising awareness, putting theissue on agenda, and endorsing a new platform in a country which may lead toa policy change. Despite the general observation that Turkey's Europeanization process has had limited impact on the minority issues in Turkey, there arenumerous examples that the European Union (EU) has played a constructiverole in improving of rights and fundamental freedoms for the Kurdish populaceliving in Turkey. The Law on Compensation for Damage Arising from Terrorpassed in 2004 is a case worth addressing in order to ascertain both the symbolic and discursive policy change. The aim of this article is to explain how theEU used democratic tools to promote change in Turkey's political structure forthe displaced Kurds. The Europeanization of Turkey, based on specific conditionality, is taken as primarily responsible for granted for the shift and thepolicy change. In this policy-oriented case study, hypotheses from Rationalistand Constructivist Approaches in Europeanization literature are investigated toexplain the causes and constitutive relations of the policy shift from repudiateto compensation.

Following many years of political competition in Serbia between reformists and nationalists, critical presidential and parliamentary elections were held in 2008 during the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo by Albanians in the shadow of the European Union (EU) agenda. 2008 elections reshaped party politics in favour of pro-Europeanism. This article analyses the change in party positions towards EU membership with the help of "process analysis" by referring to the independent variables of compliance, identification, and internalization, modelled by Herbert Kelman. The study focuses on following political parties that have shaped Serbian politics for a long time: The Democratic Party of Serbia (Demokratska Stranka Srbije - DSS), the Democratic Party (Demokratska Stranka - DS), the Serbian Progressive Party (Srpska Napredna Stranka-SNS), and the Socialist Party of Serbia (Socijalistička Partija Srbije - SPS). Contrary to arguments, which suggest that party positions have changed due to EU conditionality with the help of internalisation variable; this article argues that for SNS and SPS "compliance", for DSS and DS "identification" variable offers a more comprehensive causal explanation.

Following many years of political competition in Serbia between reformists and nationalists, critical presidential and parliamentary elections were held in 2008 during the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo by Albanians in the shadow of the European Union (EU) agenda. 2008 elections reshaped party politics in favour of pro-Europeanism. This article analyses the change in party positions towards EU membership with the help of "process analysis" by referring to the independent variables of compliance, identification, and internalization, modelled by Herbert Kelman. The study focuses on following political parties that have shaped Serbian politics for a long time: The Democratic Party of Serbia (Demokratska Stranka Srbije - DSS), the Democratic Party (Demokratska Stranka - DS), the Serbian Progressive Party (Srpska Napredna Stranka-SNS), and the Socialist Party of Serbia (Socijalisticka Partija Srbije - SPS). Contrary to arguments, which suggest that party positions have changed due to EU conditionality with the help of internalisation variable; this article argues that for SNS and SPS "compliance", for DSS and DS "identification" variable offers a more comprehensive causal explanation.

Since the Syrian crisis, migration has emerged as a rising and permanent discussion ofEuropean politics that has both created diversity and caused obstacles in the attitudes and policyorientations across the member states. In addition, the migrant crisis opened a space for Euroscepticactors to exploit it as an issue for politicization and securitization. Eurosceptic discourse has framedthe migrant crisis as a threat to national, economic, cultural and internal security, bringing itssecuritization aspect into question. In this respect, new security measures, such as border controlsand detention, and a discourse that employs anti-migration themes have become visible in manymember states. The focus of this study is to analyse Hungary's overall position and policy orientationstowards the crisis in order to deconstruct its main messages, identify the interlocutors and the reasonsbehind particular perspectives. In this descriptive content analysis, more than 160 official documentshave been thoroughly examined. It was observed that in opposition to the European migrationgovernance, Hungary has gone through a securitizing discourse as the first theme. The second themeis that due to Brussels' policy preferences, which are characterized to be anti-democratic andunlawful, and believed to have created a civilization disaster, Budapest has exhibited a Euroscepticstance. Hungary's overall position and policy orientations towards the migrant crisis are concludedto be the combination of securitization and Euroscepticism. Accordingly in the last theme, Hungary'sproposed solution to the migrant crisis, which was framed as a threat, is 'stopping' it by initiatingnew security measures.