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This article attempts to translate the Polish experience related to membership in the European Union (EU) into the European policy of Ukraine. The aim of this article is to present Poland's European policy from 2004 to 2017, particularly from the perspective of the assumptions adopted by individual governments and the mistakes made. The Polish experience of changes in European politics may be a valuable hint for the Ukrainian political elites, particularly in the context of drawing conclusions from mistakes. Recommendations for Ukraine in relation to their membership in the EU boil down to the issue of building an appropriate state strategy and the stability of institutions that take care of the entire process. Another element is the need to develop the so-called critical European studies to initiate a real discussion among Ukrainian political elites and Ukrainian society.

The article aims to analyze Brexit from the perspective of the Visegrad Group countries in the context of the future of the European Union. Addressing this issue is important from the point of view of assessing the role of the EU for the Visegrad countries. The main thesis of the research is that Brexit will not lead to a reform of the EU in the coming years, which is what some of the Visegrad Group countries are trying to do. The article is provocative, because, during the migration crisis, the Visegrad Group was shown as a brake on the European integration process. After Brexit, it was considered that some of EU Member States could follow Great Britain and leave the EU. The article complements the scientific achievements in this field, as it presents the view from the country of Central and Eastern Europe.

Brexit has betrayed the disadvantages of the European project along with the fact that European institutions have no desire to conduct deeper reforms. Brexit cannot be considered without the stance that the British have developed not only in the last few years but generally over the period of its integration with continental Europe. A study shows the political consequences of the UK's exit from the European Union alog with the potential scenarios of Poland's European policy in the next 2–3 years. This article presents three scenarios for the development of Poland's European policy, i.e. the British scenario, a conservative scenario and a pro-European scenario. In addition, this article aims to show the potential activities of the Polish government in the context of selected scenarios for the development of the situation in Europe. Currently, the most likely is the British scenario, where the Polish government concentrates on those areas of integration that are important to it. The European Union will be treated by Poland as an economic organization providing access to the common European market as well as political support in the event of disputes with the powers. The adoption of the British scenario by Poland assumes an evolutionary drift towards polexit. The least realistic choice of scenario is the strongly pro-European approach. This would require a total change in Poland's European policy strategy and the abandoning of internal reforms.

Brexit has betrayed the disadvantages of the European project along with the fact that European institutions have no desire to conduct deeper reforms. Brexit cannot be considered without the stance that the British have developed not only in the last few years but generally over the period of its integration with continental Europe. A study shows the political consequences of the UK's exit from the European Union alog with the potential scenarios of Poland's European policy in the next 2-3 years. This article presents three scenarios for the development of Poland's European policy, i.e. the British scenario, a conservative scenario and a pro-European scenario. In addition, this article aims to show the potential activities of the Polish government in the context of selected scenarios for the development of the situation in Europe. Currently, the most likely is the British scenario, where the Polish government concentrates on those areas of integration that are important to it. The European Union will be treated by Poland as an economic organization providing access to the common European market as well as political support in the event of disputes with the powers. The adoption of the British scenario by Poland assumes an evolutionary drift towards polexit. The least realistic choice of scenario is the strongly pro-European approach. This would require a total change in Poland's European policy strategy and the abandoning of internal reforms.

In this paper, the U.S. stance under the administration of President
Donald Trump with regard to the Three Seas Initiative (TSI) is analysed.
It shows the importance of Central and Eastern Europe in U.S. foreign and
security policy, concluding that the Americans treat the TSI as an instrument for achieving their own goals, especially those in energy policy.

The aim of this study is to analyse Polish-German relations during the periods of the rule of the Law and Justice party (from 2005 to 2007 and from 2015 until now), and to indicate the key elements of continuity and changes in Poland's foreign policy towards its western neighbour. The main thesis is the conclusion that the Federal Republic of Germany is an example of the dominant state in the political thought of the Law and Justice party. It is part of the concept of the so-called external enemy against which a determined and consistent foreign policy must be pursued.

W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują relacje pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską a Unią Europejską w kontekście rywalizacji o wpływy na obszarze Bałkanów Zachodnich. Szczególną uwagę autorzy zwracają na przecinające się linie interesów i niemniej ważne aspekty historycznej partycypacji w stosunkach wewnątrz regionu obu aktorów. W artykule zarówno poruszono kwestie polityczne, społeczne jak i gospodarcze, które stanowią meritum wzajemnych relacji zarówno na przestrzeni Federacja Rosyjska – Unia Europejska, jak i pomiędzy oboma aktorami a państwami regionu.

In this article, the author's present relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union in the context of competition for influence in the Western Balkans. Particular attention is paid to the intersecting lines of interest and, nevertheless, important aspects of historical participation in intra-regional relations between the two actors. The article addresses both political, social and economic issues, which are the merits of mutual relations both within the Russian Federation – the European Union as well as between the two actors and the countries of the region. ; W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują relacje pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską a Unią Europejską w kontekście rywalizacji o wpływy na obszarze Bałkanów Zachodnich. Szczególną uwagę autorzy zwracają na przecinające się linie interesów i niemniej ważne aspekty historycznej partycypacji w stosunkach wewnątrz regionu obu aktorów. W artykule zarówno poruszono kwestie polityczne, społeczne jak i gospodarcze, które stanowią meritum wzajemnych relacji zarówno na przestrzeni Federacja Rosyjska – Unia Europejska, jak i pomiędzy oboma aktorami a państwami regionu.

W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują relacje pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską a Unią Europejską w kontekście rywalizacji o wpływy na obszarze Bałkanów Zachodnich. Szczególną uwagę autorzy zwracają na przecinające się linie interesów i niemniej ważne aspekty historycznej partycypacji w stosunkach wewnątrz regionu obu aktorów. W artykule zarówno poruszono kwestie polityczne, społeczne jak i gospodarcze, które stanowią meritum wzajemnych relacji zarówno na przestrzeni Federacja Rosyjska – Unia Europejska, jak i pomiędzy oboma aktorami a państwami regionu. ; In this article, the author's present relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union in the context of competition for influence in the Western Balkans. Particular attention is paid to the intersecting lines of interest and, nevertheless, important aspects of historical participation in intra-regional relations between the two actors. The article addresses both political, social and economic issues, which are the merits of mutual relations both within the Russian Federation – the European Union as well as between the two actors and the countries of the region.