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As part of the voices that refer to the people, an interview by Clara Camps Calvet and Ignasi Bernat Molina with August Gil Matamala is presented, carried out in the framework of the research project: "Conflicte a Catalunya i repressió política" (2017 RICIP-0015) funded by the Institut Català Internacional per la Pau (ICIP). Gil Matamala (1934) is a lawyer, with a long career in the field of human rights advocacy. From a very young age he was involved in the struggle against the Franco dictatorship. In this interview, his solid, critical and resistant voice helps us to understand very clearly the idiosyncrasy of the Spanish State and the principles that govern it. His long experience in the defense of politically persecuted militants before the Spanish courts, both during the Franco regime and in democracy, allow us to understand why today in the Spanish State there is still political persecution, political prisoners and exiles of people who defend the rights and sovereignty of the people. ; Como parte de las voces que referencian a los pueblos, se presenta una entrevista de Clara Camps Calvet e Ignasi Bernat Molina a August Gil Matamala, realizada en el marco del proyecto de investigación: "Conflicte a Catalunya i repressió política" (2017 RICIP-0015) financiado por el Institut Català Internacional per la Pau (ICIP). Gil Matamala (1934) es abogado, con una larga trayectoria en el ámbito de la defensa de los derechos humanos. Desde muy joven se implicó en la lucha contra la dictadura franquista. En esta entrevista, su voz sólida, crítica y resistente nos ayudan a entender de forma muy clara la idiosincrasia del Estado Español y los principios que lo rigen. Su larga experiencia en la defensa de militantes perseguidos políticamente ante los tribunales españoles, tanto durante el franquismo como en democracia, nos permiten entender por qué hoy en el Estado Español sigue existiendo la persecución política, presos políticos y exiliados de las persones que defienden los derechos y la soberanía de los pueblos.

This article offers an insight into the challenges faced by social movements when attempting to politicize the crisis of reproduction which took place during the COVID-19 syndemic in the city of Barcelona. The analysis provided here expands on the analysis of social reproduction theory and, more broadly, on Marxist feminist approaches. In fact, one of the factors accounting for the absence of politicization during the syndemic is the type of responses given to the emergency by the authoritarian neoliberal state, which were beyond those envisaged by the 10th thesis theorized by Marxism-Feminism and social reproduction theory. Thus, in this article, we argue that this situation is an opportunity to establish a dialogue between critical state theory and Marxism-Feminism to understand how the agency of the state may condition the social reproduction of life and block the emancipatory possibilities of care and the social struggles regarding the crisis of care, complementing thus the10th thesis of Marxism-Feminism.

The referendum of October 1st, 2017 on self-determination in Catalonia was called by the Catalan government, but it was possible thanks to the popular organization. A judicial ban and the police violence and brutality were the State's response to the call. This political repression would be followed by the opening of several legal cases, the most important of them is known as the "trial of the process", which would end with accusations of very serious crimes, with imprisonment and with political exile on the part of the Catalan government and social leaders. In this article we analyze the "frames of reference" and the "repertoires of action" of the collective action of the voters of October 1st. We use these same constructs to analyze the political and judicial responseof the Spanish State. This analysis allows us to discover that the political conflict around the events of October 1st, is the expression of a transitional confrontational divide between a social bloc that defends conservative, authoritarian and ultra-nationalist values with another social bloc that wants to expand the democratizing limits and, therefore, rights and freedoms. We also note that the political repression of the State has functioned as a factor that increases meanings and imaginations linked to the need to broaden and deepen democracy, at the same time, it has shown that the principles of authority and Spain's indissoluble unity are deeply rooted. ; El referéndum del 1 de octubre de 2017 sobre la autodeterminación en Catalunya fue convocado por el gobierno catalán, pero la jornada fue posible gracias a la organización popular. Una prohibición judicial y la violencia y la brutalidad policial fueron la respuesta del Estado a la convocatoria. A esta represión política, le seguirían la apertura de varias causas judiciales, la más importante de ellas la que se ha conocido como "juicio del proceso", que acabarían con acusaciones de delitos muy graves, con encarcelamientos y con el exilio político de par-te del gobierno catalán y de líderes sociales. En este artículo analizamos los "marcos de referencia" y los "repertorios de acción" de la acción colectiva de los votantes del 1 de octubre, y usamos esos mismos constructos para analizar la respuesta política y judicial del Estado español. Este análisis nos permite descubrir que el conflicto político alrededor de los hechos del 1 de octubre, es la expresión de una divisoria de confrontación transicional entre un bloque social que defiende unos valores conservadores, autoritarios y ultranacionalistas con otro bloque social que quiere ampliar los límites democratizadores y, por lo tanto, derechos y libertades. Constatamos, además, que la represión política del Estado ha funcionado como un factor acrecentador de unos significados e imaginarios ligados a la necesidad de ampliar y profundizar en la democracia, a la vez, que ha puesto de manifiesto que los principios de autoridad y de la indisoluble unidad de España están muy arraigados.