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The stability of a democratic nation has long been thought to rest on its level of legitimacy among the mass public. Yet, measurement of such support has been characterized by considerable confusion. One key element in that confusion is the heavy reliance over the past 20 years on data from a survey item that measures respondents' levels of satisfaction with democracy. Data from this item have been analyzed in numerous studies of political support. This research has proceeded despite the existence of substantial disagreement regarding what dimension or dimensions of support the item measures. In an effort to resolve this ambiguity, we examine the conceptual & empirical properties of the item in question. The analysis draws on original surveys conducted in 1999 in Romania & El Salvador & on data from the 1997 Latin Barometer. Results reveal that the satisfaction with democracy item taps multiple dimensions of political support & that the substantive content represented by the item varies across both individuals & nations. We argue that these empirical characteristics limit the capacity of analysts to derive meaningful inferences from study of this item & that, until clarification of the measurement issue is obtained, progress in identifying predictors of democratic stability will be slowed. 4 Tables, 48 References. Adapted from the source document.

Electoral formulas & campaign practices in some nations encourage voters to consider the personal qualifications of candidates for legislative office, whereas individuating information about candidates is unavailable to voters in other nations. Where electoral rules & elite behavior foster the personal vote, the personal vote flourishes. However, it is unclear why voters respond to personal information about candidates. We test two competing hypotheses: that the personal vote reflects a general human tendency to attend to information regarding individual's personal qualifications; & that the personal vote is an acquired behavior that emerges after voters are socialized to attend to personal information about candidates. We use counterfactual simulations to test these hypotheses. Specifically, we conduct laboratory experiments in which subjects drawn from Mexico & Venezuela -- nations in which electoral rules ensure that the personal vote does not flourish -- are provided the opportunity to consider candidates' personal qualifications. Results are consistent with the hypothesis that the personal vote stems from a general tendency in human decision making. 2 Tables, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The capacity of citizens to see political corruption where it exists and to link such perceptions to evaluations of public officials constitutes an important test of political accountability. Although past research has established that perceived corruption influences political judgments, much less is known regarding the critical prefatory matter of who sees corruption. This article develops a multifaceted theoretical framework regarding the possible bases of perceived corruption. Experiential factors – personal experience and vicarious experience with bribery – mark the starting point for our account. We then incorporate psychological dispositions that may colour judgments about corruption and that may strengthen or weaken the links between experiences and perceptions. Expectations derived from this framework are tested in a series of multi-level models, with data from over 30,000 survey respondents from 17 nations and 84 regions in the Americas.

"Personality and Political Behavior" published on by Oxford University Press.