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In the first decade of the post-Cold War era, relations between India and Russia have suffered because of mutual neglect and clear attempts to prioritize establishment of the friendliest relations with the sole superpower, the United States. However, the natural preference in both countries to work for multipolarity in world politics helped in repairing the relationship, particularly during the past one decade. Remarkably, relations with the US are no longer an obstacle to better India–Russia relations. The troubled security environment characterized by what is often believed as the state-sponsored terrorism in sensitive regions of Asia, the war in Afghanistan, and the political instability in Afghanistan as well as in countries of Central Asia has paved the way for India–Russia strategic partnership. Moreover, issues of energy security have added a new dimension, although the glitches in promoting optimal economic and trade relations remain to be fully overcome.

The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) seeks to regulate the transfer of conventional arms on the principle that arms exporters and importers have a responsibility to ensure that weapons are not used in violations of international law. India wants the ATT to be limited to illicit trade. It believes that the United Nations has various mechanisms to deal with human rights violations and that this issue should not be linked to arms trade. Indian citizens have spoken against gun vio-lence. Whether it is against the guns that killed Jessica Lall in Delhi or people in the conflict zones of Manipur, Kashmir or the Maoist-affected regions, Indians are fighting against the menace of the gun culture. The ATT is a just cause and India needs to support it.

India is seeking a greater role for itself in the international system. This aspiration is based on the view that India is a stable democracy with significant human and material resources; it is an increasingly important economic power; it has an established record as a responsible and law abiding state; and it has consistently voiced the concerns of the developing countries as a leader of the non-aligned group. Indian foreign policy makers argue that at this stage of 'take off' as a great power India needs to re-invent itself. For this proposed new role India requires new allies and partnerships, including with the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has stated that it will make India into a great power. What is the US interest in India? How will this new interest and tie-up affect India's traditional partners like Russia? This article seeks to analyse the old model of relations that India enjoyed with Russia. This model is now being given up. Its place is being taken by an Indo-US strategic partnership. How different is this new model strategic relationship in comparison to the Indo-Soviet/Russian relationship? Some of these issues are addressed in this article.

The human security concept centred around rights is a radical departure from the traditional state-centric approach to security issues. However this paradigm needs to be engendered because experience has shown that the concept of "people" still leaves out women, especially those at the margins. Threats from militarism, patriarchy, chauvinism, sectarianism, poverty and denial of rights affect women differently than they do men and since structures and institutions of power remain patriarchal, there is need for a gender balance as well as a feminization of security. Many countries in principle accept people's rights and yet discriminate against women in practice. It is time that steps like evolving gendered security indicators in order to assess the threats to human security are brought on the security agenda.