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The Civic Culture by Almond and Verba is often seen as the start to comparative research into political attitudes and their implications for democracy. However, despite several studies following in their footsteps, one of the key lessons has rarely been incorporated since the use of typologies has rarely been used, even though contemporary research ostensibly focuses on different types of citizens. Researchers often disavow grouping people according to theoretical definitions since it is presumably entails a loss of information, but this approach can also provide new insights. Nevertheless, it entails special challenges when it comes to establishing the theoretical classification and empirically verifying the validity. This case study discusses the use of typologies in comparative research by providing examples from research on classifying different kinds of political dissatisfaction. It shows how identifying different types of dissatisfaction can help understand the different interpretations of what the developments in attitudes entail for democracy.

AbstractThis study examines how characteristics of participatory processes affect citizens' evaluations of such processes and thereby establish what kind of participatory process citizens demand. The literature on democratic innovations has proposed different criteria for evaluating participatory innovations. What remains unclear, however, is how citizens evaluate these participatory mechanisms. This is here examined in a conjoint analysis embedded in a representative survey of the Finnish population (n= 1050). The conjoint analysis examines the impact of inclusiveness, popular control, considered judgment, transparency, efficiency, and transferability on citizens' evaluations of participatory processes. Furthermore, it is examined whether the evaluations differ by the policy issues and process preferences of the respondents. The results show that people want transparent participatory processes with face-to-face interaction among participants and expert advice to deal with complicated issues. The participatory processes should also be advisory and should not include too many meetings. These effects appear to be uniform across policy issues and do not depend on the process preferences of citizens.

Complementing representative democracy with direct-democratic instruments is perceived to boost levels of political trust. This was why Finland in 2012 introduced an agenda initiative, which gives citizens the right to propose legislation and thereby provides citizens a say between elections. However, it remains unclear whether involvement in such mechanisms helps restore political trust and what factors shape developments in political trust during involvement. This article contributes to this research agenda by examining how using the Finnish agenda initiative affected developments in political trust. The study uses two surveys to determine developments in political trust: a four-wave panel survey (n = 809 - 1419) and a cross-sectional survey (n = 481) where the perceived change method is used. The results suggest that using the citizens' initiative did not necessarily cause positive developments in political trust. Nevertheless, positive developments in political trust occurred when users achieved their intended aim and/or the process was seen as fair, which shows that direct-democratic instruments can increase levels of political trust under some circumstances.

Complementing representative democracy with direct-democratic instruments is perceived to boost levels of political trust. This was why Finland in 2012 introduced an agenda initiative, which gives citizens the right to propose legislation and thereby provides citizens a say between elections. However, it remains unclear whether involvement in such mechanisms helps restore political trust and what factors shape developments in political trust during involvement. This article contributes to this research agenda by examining how using the Finnish agenda initiative affected developments in political trust. The study uses two surveys to determine developments in political trust: a four-wave panel survey (n = 809 - 1419) and a cross-sectional survey (n = 481) where the perceived change method is used. The results suggest that using the citizens' initiative did not necessarily cause positive developments in political trust. Nevertheless, positive developments in political trust occurred when users achieved their intended aim and/or the process was seen as fair, which shows that direct-democratic instruments can increase levels of political trust under some circumstances.

In 2012, Finland introduced the citizens' initiative to boost political support among citizens by extending possibilities for popular involvement in political decision making. However, it is still unclear whether the introduction had the intended effects. This article examines how the first decision by the Finnish parliament on a citizens' initiative affected political trust among users on the website Avoin Ministeriö. The data come from a quasi-experimental survey study with 421 respondents before and after the decision of the Finnish parliament on the first citizens' initiative in Finland. In particular, it is examined whether outcome satisfaction or process satisfaction were the most important factors for shaping the developments. The results suggest that both outcome and process satisfaction matters for the developments in political trust, but satisfaction with the process is the more important predictor. The implications for the effects of the Finnish citizens' initiative are discussed in the conclusion.

In 2012, Finland introduced the citizens' initiative to boost political support among citizens by extending possibilities for popular involvement in political decision making. However, it is still unclear whether the introduction had the intended effects. This article examines how the first decision by the Finnish parliament on a citizens' initiative affected political trust among users on the website Avoin Ministeriö. The data come from a quasi-experimental survey study with 421 respondents before and after the decision of the Finnish parliament on the first citizens' initiative in Finland. In particular, it is examined whether outcome satisfaction or process satisfaction were the most important factors for shaping the developments. The results suggest that both outcome and process satisfaction matters for the developments in political trust, but satisfaction with the process is the more important predictor. The implications for the effects of the Finnish citizens' initiative are discussed in the conclusion.

Municipalities in several countries have adopted measures of e-democracy in order to strengthen citizen involvement in the political decision-making. For this reason it has been expected that the Internet would lead to a deepening of democracy. However, e-democratic measures do not necessarily entail a deeper involvement of citizens in the political decision-making; it can also serve to strengthen the traditional representative structures. This study examines the implementation of e-democracy in the websites of 188 Finnish municipalities in order to assess whether the initiatives offered adapt a representative, participatory or deliberative perspective on democracy. The results suggest that the Finnish municipalities largely use their websites to inform citizens on on-going decision-making processes, thereby strengthening the traditional representative democracy rather than deepening the democratic involvement of citizens.

Following an initial euphoria over the democratising potential of the Internet, sceptic voices contend that participation via the Internet may increase existing inequalities and even weaken the influence of citizens. A central critique claims that the digital activities are nothing more than slacktivism, i.e. activities that enhance the feel good factor of the participant but have no impact on real life political outcomes. This study examines three accusations of slacktivism levelled against online participants: that they are detached from formal politics and therefore do not aim to influence political outcomes, that they are lazy citizens choosing easily accessible digital forms of engagement over more effective traditional activities, and that they are incapable of comprehending the functioning of the political system. The results suggest that there is little reason to be worried over any negative impact of the Internet on civic engagement, since the virtual participants are both active and competent citizens. In this sense, the accusation of slacktivism against the participants appears to be misguided.

Following an initial euphoria over the democratising potential of the Internet, sceptic voices contend that participation via the Internet may increase existing inequalities and even weaken the influence of citizens. A central critique claims that the digital activities are nothing more than slacktivism, i.e. activities that enhance the feel good factor of the participant but have no impact on real life political outcomes. This study examines three accusations of slacktivism levelled against online participants: that they are detached from formal politics and therefore do not aim to influence political outcomes, that they are lazy citizens choosing easily accessible digital forms of engagement over more effective traditional activities, and that they are incapable of comprehending the functioning of the political system. The results suggest that there is little reason to be worried over any negative impact of the Internet on civic engagement, since the virtual participants are both active and competent citizens. In this sense, the accusation of slacktivism against the participants appears to be misguided.