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One of the most visible and enduring vestiges of colonialism is its buildings. In this article I address the question of how current approving references to the colonial buildings in Indonesia should be explained, looking at one particular city, Surabaya. The cheerful, innovative adoption of colonial themes defies an analysis in terms of 'imperial debris'. I propose to borrow the term 'bricolage' from Claude Lévi-Strauss to describe this process in which people make new associations between selected colonial buildings and their own present lives. Bricolage is the selective conceptual appropriation of the colonial buildings for whatever objective the user finds convenient: objects to boost city marketing, a company advertisement, stops on a heritage tour, amusing backdrops for pictures and selfies, a counterpoint to a consumerist lifestyle in shopping malls. For colonial building enthusiasts, the love of colonial design and old urban quarters is more than a matter of the aesthetics of urban spaces, but also, indirectly, a critique of the transformation of modern cities by short-sighted real-estate developers and city administrators, who demolish irreplaceable buildings in acts of 'architectural suicide'.

Resumo: A reciclagem de plásticos é um processo distribuído ao longo de uma extensa cadeia ("chain", no jargão em inglês) de abastecimento de reciclagem. O estigma negativo associado ao plástico reciclado, na Indonésia, é dirigido das fábricas para os catadores, negociantes de lixo e trituradores que trabalham manualmente os resíduos a partir dos quais o plástico reciclado é selecionado. O afastamento da fonte não só permite que as fábricas se livrem desse estigma de trabalhar com o lixo, como também que se distanciem do que se passa anteriormente na cadeia de abastecimento. Não são responsabilizados por uma possível má gestão ambiental ou social na separação dos resíduos de plástico. As fábricas, no entanto, conseguem manter o controlo sobre esta cadeia de abastecimento, estabelecendo normas para os materiais que aceitam. As fábricas têm o poder de declarar que fornecedor está de acordo com as normas e qual o que não está.Palavras-chave: reciclagem. cadeia de valor. cadeia de abastecimento. resíduos plásticos. Indonésia. produção de plásticos reciclados SECRECY AT THE END OF THE RECYCLING CHAIN: THE RECYCLING OF PLASTIC WASTE IN SURABAYA, INDONESIA Abstract: The aim of this article is to address the question: Why companies which produce or use pellets made from recycled plastics choose a strategic invisibility for their activities. The recycling of plastics is a process spread over an extended recycling supply chain. The negative stigma associated with recycled plastic in Indonesia is directed away from the factories towards the waste-pickers, junk-dealers and grinders who work the waste manually from which the recycled plastic is selected. Their remoteness from the source not only allows the factories to shake off the opprobrium of working with waste, they can also distance themselves from what goes on earlier in the supply chain. They are not held accountable for possible environmental or social mismanagement in the sorting of plastic waste. The factories, nevertheless, manage to maintain control over this supply chain by setting standards for the materials they accept. The factories have the power to declare which supplier is up to standard and which is not and have the alternative of opting for virgin plastic made from mineral oil, which keeps prices of recycled plastic low. This conspicuous invisibility is convenient for all involved in the recycling industry in the short run, but more openness would be better for all sides.Keywords: recycling. value chain. supply chain. plastic waste. Indonesia. production of recycled plastics

Freek Colombijn
Cet article retrace les grands traits de l'histoire du football indonésien pendant ce siècle. Le développement du football indonésien suit à un degré remarquable l'histoire récente de l'Indonésie. Les principaux points en sont : les intérêts financiers concernés, la rivalité entre associations de football nationalistes et hollandaises, les tentatives de modernisation du football par le gouvernement de l'Ordre Nouveau et les batailles rangées (entre camps adversaires qui changent selon les périodes).

Canberra, the capital of the Commonwealth of Australia, was built as a symbol of a new nation. The city's symbolism is dominated by an optic axis, provided by the masterplan of Walter Burley Griffin. The dominant message of the objects at the poles of this axis, the Parliament House and the War Memorial, is nationalism. The Parliament House brings the nation together at one point and the War Memorial specifies that the Australian national is tough, resourceful, and comradely. By its reference to heroic deeds in wartime, the War Memorial gives a belligerent message in an otherwise peaceful landscape. Women and spiritual religions are conspicuously absent from Canberra. There is a remarkable tolerance towards other nations leaving their symbolic footprint in Canberra.—Canberra, la capitale du Commonwealth d'Australie, fut construite comme symbole de la nation. Le symbolisme de la ville est dominé par un axe optique, d'après le plan d'ensemble détaillé de Walter Burley Griffin. Le message dominant des objets aux extrémités de cet axe, le Parlement et le monument aux morts, est le nationalisme. Le Parlement rassemble la nation à un point donné, et le monument aux morts spécifie que l'australien est tenace, ingénieux, et amical. Le monument aux morts rappelle des actes de guerre héroïıques et envoie un message belligérant dans un paysage autrement tranquille. Les femmes et les religions spirituelles sont très manifestement absentes de Canberra. Il y a une tolérance remarquable envers les autres nations qui ont laissé leur empreinte symbolique sur Canberra.

The experiment with administrative decentralization in Indonesia started with a new law that was enacted in 1903. The European civil servants believed that this law would protect their position, and they did not foresee two processes that were to gradually undercut this very position. First, the citizens in the municipal councils seized the opportunity to acquire a real degree of autonomy. Secondly, the council became a platform where the Indonesian members voiced their grievances from the 1920s onwards. After the Dutch colonial era, and in particular during the Japanese period and the years of Guided Democracy, the municipalities lost most of their leeway for formulating an autonomous policy and devising budgets to the central government. Now, starting with Law 5 issued in 1973, the New Order government of Indonesia has again embarked on the path of administrative decentralization.