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This article revisits a debate between Jurg Steiner and Paul Johnson
(Johnson 1990; Steiner 1990) over the civic implications of teaching rational
choice that appeared in PS a little over 15 years ago. That
debate summarized key contemporary arguments about the possible civic
implications of teaching rational choice that likely still reverberate in
department and conference discussions today. Despite numerous books,
articles, and conference sessions on the perils and pluses of rational
choice in scholarship, very few empirical studies examine the civic
consequences of learning rational choice in undergraduate political
science courses. This article reports the results of a study that attempts
to do just that; to measure rational choice influences on students'
civic attitudes.

The institutional grammar introduced here is based on a view that institutions are enduring regularities of human action in situations structured by rules, norms, and shared strategies, as well as by the physical world. The rules, norms, and shared strategies are constituted and reconstituted by human interaction in frequently occurring or repetitive situations. The syntax of the grammar identifies components of institutions and sorts them into three types of institutional statements: rules, norms, and shared strategies. We introduce the grammar, outline methods for operationalizing the syntax, apply the syntax to an analysis of cooperation in collective dilemma situations, and discuss the pragmatics of the grammar for analyses of behavior within complex institutional settings.

"In this book Sue E.S. Crawford, Laura R. Olson, and their coauthors explore the political choices clergy make and the consequences of these choices. Drawing on personal interviews and statistical data to place the actions of clergy in both their religious and secular contexts, the authors study mainline and evangelical Protestant, Catholic, and Mennonite communities. They examine the role of white, African American, and female religious leaders. And they address issues of local development, city government, and national and international politics."--Jacket

Intro -- Contents -- Tables -- Preface -- I Introduction -- 1 Clergy in Politics: Political Choices and Consequences -- 2 Notes for a Theory of Clergy as Political Leaders -- 3 Reflections on the Status of Research on Clergy in Politics -- II Political Choices -- 4 Gender and the Political Choices of Women Clergy -- 5 Theocratic, Prophetic, and Ecumenical: Political Roles of African American Clergy -- 6 The Construction of Political Strategies among African American Clergy -- 7 Clergy as Political Actors in Urban Contexts -- 8 American Church or Church in America? The Politics of Catholic Bishops in Comparative Perspective -- 9 The Mobilization of a Religious Elite: Political Activism among Southern Baptist Clergy in 1996 -- 10 Reformed Preachers in Politics -- III Political Consequences -- 11 Shaping Pacifism: The Role of the Local Anabaptist Pastor -- 12 Cardinal O'Connor and His Constituents: Differential Benefits and Public Evaluations -- 13 To March or Not to March: Clergy Mobilization Strategies and Grassroots Antidrug Activism -- IV Conclusion -- 14 Choices and Consequences in Context -- Notes -- References -- Contributors -- Index.

Urban politics plays out in complex interactions among governments, nonprofit organizations, and private firms. As governments increasingly rely on other nongovernmental organizations to implement policies, the presence of nonprofit organizations becomes increasingly important to state and local government capacity. This article develops an organizational ecology approach to understanding the geographic relocation of nonprofit organizations and tests patterns of nonprofit movement in Omaha, Nebraska. The data from Omaha reveal patterns consistent with a "threat" model of movement for collectivist organizations (i.e., those that depend on government grants and public donations) and an "opportunity" model of movement for individualist organizations (i.e., those that depend most heavily on fees collected from their members and income generated by their program services). The findings also indicate that there have been overall shifts away from denser areas and toward areas with growing populations and higher levels of per capita income. Adapted from the source document.

Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

An introductory chapter notes the historical impact of clergy on American politics & suggests that the emphasis on morality that is often attached to political issues places clergy in a unique position to influence policy debates & shape democratic norms. Special attention is given to what compels today's clergy to become involved in politics. The belief of some clergy that politics cannot be separated from daily life, & hence the church, is not universally shared within the religious community & political involvement can be risky for clergy in terms of both their livelihood & legitimacy. The nature of current morality politics is discussed, along with the ability of religious leaders to shape the interplay of religion & politics; the influence of the "social theologies" of different religious traditions on political choices; how personal contexts like race or gender affect clergy's decisions about participating in politics; & the degree to which clergy's political statements influence the views of church members & democratic politics in general. J. Lindroth

An introductory chapter notes the historical impact of clergy on American politics & suggests that the emphasis on morality that is often attached to political issues places clergy in a unique position to influence policy debates & shape democratic norms. Special attention is given to what compels today's clergy to become involved in politics. The belief of some clergy that politics cannot be separated from daily life, & hence the church, is not universally shared within the religious community & political involvement can be risky for clergy in terms of both their livelihood & legitimacy. The nature of current morality politics is discussed, along with the ability of religious leaders to shape the interplay of religion & politics; the influence of the "social theologies" of different religious traditions on political choices; how personal contexts like race or gender affect clergy's decisions about participating in politics; & the degree to which clergy's political statements influence the views of church members & democratic politics in general. J. Lindroth

Data drawn from a study of local political participation by clergy in Indianapolis are used to examine why clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be politically active than their counterparts in other neighborhoods. Five hypotheses were tested: self-selection (politically motivated clergy choose low-income congregations); personal stake (clergy working in low-income areas are more aware of social problems & have a personal stake in improving them); membership (low-income churches have members who expect political leadership from their clergy); leadership vacuum (low-income neighborhoods have few professionals other than clergy able to assume leadership roles); & government attention (clergy in low-income neighborhoods are more likely to be asked to participate by government officials or others concerned with government actions). The results of Poisson multiple regression combined with the classic elaboration paradigm showed existence of a leadership vacuum & government attention to be particularly effective mechanisms in mobilizing urban clergy in low-income areas. Self-selection & membership also impacted the higher rate of clergy political activity but personal stake had little effect. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth