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"This book explores how far messianism, the conviction that Russia has a special historical destiny, is present in, and affects, Russian foreign policy. Based on extensive original research, including analysis of public statements, policy documents, and opinion polls, the book argues that a sense of mission is present in Russian foreign policy, that it is very similar in its nature to thinking about Russia's mission in Tsarist times, that the sense of mission matters more for Russia's elites than for Russia's masses, and that Russia's special mission is emphasised more when there are questions about the regime's legitimacy as well as great power status. Overall, the book demonstrates that a sense of mission is an important factor in Russian foreign policy"--

Abstract
The goal of this article is to show Russia's civilizational turn in the broader context of imperial nationalism. The "turn" is a manifestation of imperial nationalism that today feeds not only on political ideas and history but also on geography. In the mass perception, geography is seen as an objective, non-ideologized scientific discipline less prone to political manipulation. Because of this, it can be employed to influence the Russian self-identification process in a much more subtle and efficient way than references to the more abstract notion of civilization. This article presents the Russian Geographical Society (RGS) as an identity entrepreneur managed by the ruling elite with a well-developed regional structure. It functions as a community of imperial practice. With its discursive and material practices, the RGS contributes to reproducing imperial nationalism, including in its civilizational version. The RGS is the keeper of the imperial body. By referring to the imperial body, I mean not just the physical territory but also the ways it is imagined in discourse and made material in numerous practices.

The goal of the article is to indicate the reasons why formulating a new Russian non-imperial identity has failed. Applying the Ontological Security Theory shows the fall of the USSR as a critical situation that undermined the so-called fundamental questions of the Russian identity. The return of the imperial discourse was triggered by ontological anxiety connected to two fundamental questions: social relations with the significant Other and the finitude. The article discusses in detail the latter. Pending anxiety has activated imperial habitus, which is illustrated by the case of the Russian Geographical Association.

AbstractThis article examines interethnic tensions in Russia within the framework of the "post-Soviet religious model." This term is understood as a set of mechanisms of cooperation between the state and representatives of "traditional" religious organizations. The article includes an analytical overview of the state of interethnic relations in Russia and how this issue is approached by the state and "traditional" religions. Based on this analysis, the author tries to expose weaknesses of the model and point out possible future problems.

Historically speaking, the self-identification process of Russia has revolved around the West–East axis. However, there has been a considerable asymmetry in the impact of these two poles. In this article I will argue that "the West" was a dominating concept in the self-narration of Russians and "the East" was mostly a function of the interaction between Russia and the West. The difference in the level of attention and emotions which Russia manifests towards the West and the East has been caused by the religious factor, which was crucial for shaping Russia's identity and her sense of uniqueness. While the West and Western Christianity presented a challenge to the Orthodox fundamentals of Russia's self-image, China was neutral in terms of religious identity. The negligible importance of the religious factor added to rationality in Russian policy towards China. In the article I analyze the Chinese factor in Russia's self-identification process in the context of Moscow's attitude towards the West and the East by using two main elements: identity and fear. Comparing the historical pattern with the present one, I attempt to determine the consequences of these two factors for the Russian Federation.

In this paper we analyse a situation wherein the political establishments of Russia and the United Kingdom, in the face of ontological insecurity, use narratives with messianic overtones in their foreign policies. Although these narratives do not feature prominently in the official discourse, they are nevertheless noticeable and provide a valuable insight into dynamics of national identity. We call them 'mission narratives' and interpret their (re)appearance in foreign policy as a reaction to a 'critical situation' which undermines the stability of the autobiographical narrative of both countries. Although different in scope and nature, the fall of the USSR and the Brexit referendum both resulted in the status and identity of the two states being questioned. Both countries reacted by emphasising their special role in the world. Referring to mission in foreign policy strengthens a coherent autobiographic narrative which soothes ontological uncertainties.

Le « grand jeu » de la Russie au Moyen-Orient / Vitaly Naumkin -- La « question d'Orient »?: Les Russes aussi / Lorraine de Meaux -- Le commerce irano-russe: entre levée des sanctions et pressions externes / Clément Therme -- Moscou face au programme nucléaire iranien / Clément Therme -- Syrie: la puissance russe en question / Julien Nocetti -- Tartous: une future base navale russe en Méditerranée? / Igor Delanoë -- Poutine - Al-Sissi: l'alliance russo-égyptienne retrouvée? / Igor Delanoë -- Les relations russo-saoudiennes: un rapprochement incertain / Mark N. Katz -- La diplomatie religieuse de la Russie au Moyen-Orient / Alicja Curanović -- Israël, terre de « renaissance » russe? / Julia Lerner.