Citizenship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Montenegro: effects of statehood and identity challenges
In: Southeast European studies
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In: Southeast European studies
In: Nationalities papers: the journal of nationalism and ethnicity, Volume 49, Issue 5, p. 989-990
ISSN: 1465-3923
In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Volume 57, Issue 3, p. 653-654
ISSN: 1468-5965
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Visa Policy in the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.
First published: 09 April 2018 ; This article argues that external state contestation and internal ethnic divisions have resulted in a high degree of state capture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Montenegro, thus providing structural mechanisms for the reproduction of power of political elites. The article focuses on two dominant forms of state capture - party membership in public administration and the privatization process. First, by examining the extent to which party membership influences the composition of public - administration, the article explains the solidification of the link between electoral preferences and job security. Second, by looking at the privatisation of state assets, the article shows how state capture facilitated the elites' accumulation of private wealth. The latter developed into subsidiary networks for financing political parties, offering resources for corruption, clientelism and patronage that are key to the reproduction of political power in captured states. The article concludes by exploring the implications of the link between state contestation and state capture in the Western Balkan states.
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Published online: 22 Jan 2018 ; Immigrant investor programmes (IIPs) have mushroomed around the world in recent years. Focusing on the EU context, where each Member State has at least one legal mechanism for granting residence or citizenship rights in exchange for investment, this paper has a twofold objective. First, it seeks to develop a typology of IIPs on the grounds of investment amounts and status obligations. Second, the paper applies this typology to map and examine IIPs in the EU. Rather than looking in detail at the politics of investment-based migration in each country, this study identifies general conditions across states that enable different types of IIPs to develop.
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In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Volume 55, Issue 5, p. 1185-1186
ISSN: 1468-5965
Published online: 26 January 2017 ; The break-up of the former Yugoslavia resulted in the establishment of seven states with manifestly different citizenship regimes. Relating the politics of citizenship to the dominant nation-building projects, this paper argues that in the post-Yugoslav countries in which nation-building projects are consolidated (Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia) citizenship regimes converge around ethnic inclusiveness, while in those where nation building is contested (Macedonia and Montenegro) territorial rather than ethnic attachments are articulated in citizenship policies. In the case of Kosovo, and to a certain degree Bosnia and Herzegovina, policies emphasise territory due to international involvement in the shaping of their citizenship regimes. Even though all of these states have adopted ius sanguinis as the main mechanism of citizenship attribution at birth, the different approaches to naturalisation and dual citizenship indicate that the politics of citizenship are inextricably linked to the questions of nation building and statehood. To explore these issues, the paper first outlines the main traits of citizenship policies in contested and consolidated states. It proceeds by looking at different naturalisation requirements in the two groups of states. It argues that extension to ethnic kin occurs only in countries in which statehood and nation building are consolidated, where it serves to project an image of national unity. In states that are challenged by several competing nation-building projects, citizenship attribution through ethnic kinship is impossible due to lack of internal unity. The paper also analyses approaches to dual citizenship, identifying patterns of openness and restrictiveness. By doing so, it links the politics of citizenship to the interaction of foreign policy mechanisms in post-Yugoslav countries and identifies the points where these regimes overlap or conflict with each other.
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In: Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Research Paper No. RSCAS 2015/08
SSRN
Working paper
Iako se sadržaj identitetske kategorije Crnogorac/Crnogorka znatno promijenio,politike crnogorske vlade koje su doprinijele projektu izgradnje nacije bile su samo djelimicno uspješne. Ova studija istražuje podršku javnosti politikama koje su uticale na rekonstrukciju crnogorskog identiteta nakon raspada socijalisticke Jugoslavije. Fokus clanka je na simbolickoj rekonstrukciji identitetskih parametara u Crnoj Gori nakon raspada vladajuce partije 1997. godine te na stvaranju politickih podjela u ovoj maloj balkanskoj zemlji. Analizom prvobitnih kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih podataka ova studija sagledava pitanje podjele vezane za državnost Crne Gore u kontekstu percepcija identiteta te pokazuje kako se sadržaj identiteta koji je oznacen kao crnogorski mijenjao u skladu sa time je li osoba podržavala crnogorsku nezavisnost ili joj se protivila. ; Although there has been a significant change in the content of the category of Montenegrin identity, the policies adopted by the Montenegrin government within its nation-building project have been only partly successful. This study examines popular support for the policies that have helped to reconstruct Montenegrin identity in the decades following the disintegration of socialist Yugoslavia. The specific focus is on the symbolic reconstruction of identity parameters in Montenegro after the split of the ruling party in 1997, and the start of political divisions in this tiny Balkan state. By examining original quantitative and qualitative data, the analysis associates the divide related to the question of statehood with perceptions of identity, showing how the content of national identity categorized as Montenegrin changed as a result of people's support for or opposition to Montenegrin independence.
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This paper has two objectives. First, by mapping investment-based the legal provisions that may result in the direct acquisition of citizenship or residence rights through a pecuniary contribution in all the 28 European Union (EU) Member States, it clears the grounds for further normative inquiries in this issue. Second, it discusses the iterative relationship between European Union (EU) citizenship and investment-based citizenship programmes, taking into account the intuitive conflict between the values inherent in EU citizenship and the opportunity structures that it creates for countries to commodify their membership by exchanging it for investment. The paper starts by a theoretical examination of membership in national and supranational polities in order to discern the links between national and EU citizenship. This is followed by an empirical classification of the different investor and residence programmes in the 28 Member States of the EU, aimed at comparing how different countries regulate access to membership on grounds of wealth. The conclusion to the paper discusses of the effects of investor citizenship and golden residence programmes in the broader EU context, taking into account the unique characteristics of European citizenship.
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Published online: 14 Feb 2014. ; In Montenegro, the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), the legal successor to the Montenegrin branch of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, has uninterruptedly remained in power since the break-up of Yugoslavia. By looking at citizenship policies in Montenegro since the disintegration of Yugoslavia as an 'image of the nation' and an 'image of politics', this paper maintains that citizenship legislation has been one of the key mechanisms that has enabled the perpetuation of DPS rule. By embedding the 'image of the nation' in citizenship legislation, the ruling Montenegrin elite reinforced their political agenda. By entrenching the 'image of politics' in citizenship laws, they managed to produce conditions favouring their electoral victories, thus enabling the party's institutional dominance.
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In: Slavic review: interdisciplinary quarterly of Russian, Eurasian and East European studies, Volume 73, Issue 2, p. 347-371
ISSN: 0037-6779
Although there has been significant change in the content of the category of "Montenegrin" identity, the policies adopted by the government of Montenegro within its nation-building project have been only partly successful. This study examines popular support for the policies that have helped to reconstruct Montenegrin identity in the decades following the disintegration of socialist Yugoslavia. The specific focus here is on the symbolic reconstruction of identity parameters in Montenegro after the split of the ruling party in 1997 and the start of political divisions in this tiny Balkan state. Relying on original quantitative and qualitative data, the analysis associates the divide related to the question of statehood with perceptions of identity and shows how the content of "Montenegrin" identity changed as a result of people's support for or opposition to independence.
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In: APSA 2014 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper