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The globalization process is constantly growing and actors in the international scene have to find ways to adapt to the changes that this makeover involves. Therefore, there has been an increased cooperation between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean in many policy areas, including transport, especially in terms of access, affordability and sustainability. The Vienna Declaration of the Fourth ALC-UE Summit of Heads of State and Government from 2006 mentions the encouragement towards European and Latin American and Caribbean financial institutions to support physical integration by means of interconnectivity, network infrastructures, notably in the fields of energy, transport, telecommunications and research. The Lima Declaration of the Fifth ALC-UE Summit of Heads of State and Government from 2008 moves a step forward and comprises the fact that the states from the two regions will develop bi-regional energy cooperation regarding improvement of energy services, inter alia, in the metropolitan public transport. Moreover, the Madrid Declaration of the Sixth ALC-UE Summit of Heads of State and Government from 2010 refers to energy savings in all sectors of the economies, including transports, meanwhile the Santiago Declaration of the First UE-CELAC Summit of Heads of State and Government from 2013 prioritises the improvement of policies and providing, among others, adequately resourced basic health services, water and sanitation, housing, education, public transport and energy, besides strengthening the Latin America Investment Facility, to improve integration, energy and transport infrastructures, energy efficiency, renewable energy. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse best practice cases from both regions in terms of gamification of transport policies and infrastructure, in order to highlight the the potential of the biregional consolidated cooperation for advancing gamification (in view of modern, sustainable, affordable, efficient transport policies, networks and infrastructure), the financial and political instruments that can be used in this sense and the mutual benefits that it would bring for the participant actors.

The Parliamentary Assembly of the European Communities was the precursory body of the European Parliament, but it lacked the legitimacy the latter would gain starting with 1979, the year when the first European elections were held. The two entities differ in many ways, such as the internal organization, the competences and the connections with other European institutions, but the fundamental difference is the one that also determined the rest of the previously mentioned aspects, specifically the way their members were appointed. Although this aspect may seem solved, it will not be so until the suffrage for the European Parliament will not only be direct, universal and secret, but also accessible, assuring all interested stakeholders the same fair conditions for participation, thus eliminating all formal and informal obstacles for independent or party candidates.

The article aims at analyzing the main problems of posted workers in the European Union, especially the elements linked to the relationship between national and European authorities, taking into consideration the European multilevel governance system. The research on which this article is based on is the result of a project that encompasses 9 national study cases, with the aim of understanding how the EU-regulation and national OSH systems affect the health and safety of (posted) workers in a transnational workplace. The data used are gathered through desk-research, as well as fieldwork. The study-case presented within the article is that of Spain. Muddling through the complicated and complex institutional framework, we identified that the main vulnerabilities of the posted workers are related to the a) inequality of payment for the same work; b) poor living conditions; c) cultural and language barriers; d) lack of health insurance and different regulations on work accidents; e) poor representativeness.