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Integrating comparative empirical studies with cutting-edge theory, this dynamic Handbook provides a comprehensive overview of the study and practice of peacekeeping. Han Dorussen brings together a diverse range of contributions which represent the most recent generation of peacekeeping research, embodying notable shifts in the kinds of questions asked as well as the data and methods employed. The Handbook explores questions concerning the deployment of peacekeepers, the policies and activities undertaken by peacekeeping operations (PKOs), the intended and unintended consequences of peacekeeping activities, and controversies related to post-conflict crime, sexual and gender-based violence in peacekeeping, and the environmental impact of PKOs. Chapters further investigate the distinctions between UN and non-UN-led PKOs, the specific mandates under which peacekeeping operates, and the different roles of military, police, and police and civilian peacekeepers. Concluding with an evaluation of the state of the art of current peacekeeping literature, the Handbook leads the way in developing a coherent agenda for future research. The Handbook will be an essential resource for a cross-disciplinary audience of academics and students interested in IR and conflict resolution. Policymakers involved in peacekeeping and peacebuilding, as well as NGOs operating within (post-) conflict settings, will also benefit from its assessment of recent developments in peacekeeping research.

Abstract
The 2020 Covid-19 pandemic may not be a game changer for future peacekeeping and humanitarian operations, but it is likely to strengthen developments that have been on-going since the early 2010s. Since then, major global and regional powers have increasingly pursued self-interested policies, interventions have become less accepted by host countries, and the UN is more financially constrained. These developments all point towards fewer and smaller interventions. Responses to Covid-19 so far suggest these trends to continue. Arguably, this hampers effective and collaborative action against global challenges such as Covid-19.

AbstractSurveys are a valuable complement to field research and quantitative objective data. A small survey of the perception of security in Timor-Leste following the departure of UN peacekeepers shows most reporting that security has continued to improve. More vulnerable respondents are however more likely to regret the UN exit. Retrospectively the evaluation of the UN is largely positively, but few regret that the mission has completed.

AbstractThere is a renewed scholarly interest in peacekeeping with quantitative, systematic empirical studies figuring prominently. Arguably, this recent work has gone some way to address two puzzles that have consistently surrounded debates on peacekeeping. The first puzzle is that reporting on peacekeeping and public opinion tend to be critical. Regardless, peacekeeping has become an important element of efforts by the international community to resolve conflict. The second puzzle of peacekeeping is the contrast between quantitative, comparative studies and case studies in their assessment of the effectiveness of peacekeeping. This survey shows that recent research provides general evidence supporting the importance of peacekeeping, but some serious concerns remain.

"Die Literatur zu Bürgerkriegen verbindet oft Diskriminierung mit dem Leidensdruck von Gruppen und nimmt diesen Faktor als wichtige Triebfeder von ethno-politischen Konflikten wahr. Der Autor argumentiert, dass sich Diskriminierung auch strategisch verwenden lässt, und zwar, um Gruppen zum Handeln zu zwingen. Die Spieltheorie kann helfen, die Bedingungen zu identifizieren, unter denen dies wahrscheinlicher wird. Es zeigt sich ferner, dass es notwendig ist, politische von wirtschaftlicher Diskriminierung zu unterscheiden. Die Analyse eines Zweiebenen-Spiels unter unvollständiger Information ermöglicht das Studium von Selektionsbias und hilft, Implementationsprobleme zu unterscheiden, die konstitutiv sind für wirtschaftliche im Vergleich zu politischer Diskriminierung. Die empirische Prüfung der Bedingungen, unter denen die verschiedenen Formen der Diskriminierung zustande kommen, basiert vorwiegend auf den Daten des Minorities at Risk-Projektes. Die gepoolten Querschnittsdaten zeigen, dass ökonomische Diskriminierung wahrscheinlicher wird, wenn eine Minderheit keine attraktive wirtschaftliche Perspektive besitzt und relativ leicht zum Ziel der Zentralregierung wird. Auf politische Diskriminierung setzen die Akteure eher in bereits eskalierten Konflikten, während diese Form der Benachteiligung unwahrscheinlicher wird, wenn der Schatten einer externen Intervention zunimmt. Demokratische Regierungen sind weniger wahrscheinlich daran beteiligt, ökonomische Rechte oder die Möglichkeit zur politischen Mitwirkung einzuschränken, aber der Regimetyp ist weniger offensichtlich mit der Möglichkeit zur sozioökonomischen Benachteiligung verknüpft." (Autorenreferat)

Empirical studies on trade and conflict generally make use of highly aggregated data. There are, however, good theoretical arguments to suspect that trade in some goods should have a bigger impact on the likelihood of conflict than trade in others. This article examines the relationship between trade and conflict at a lower level of aggregation. It discusses various theoretical arguments why the relationship between trade and conflict should vary across industry sectors, particularly strategic trade, asset specificity, and possible appropriation of gains from trade. The central hypotheses are tested using dyadic United Nations trade data disaggregated at industry level from 1970 to 1997. The main findings are that trade generally reduces the likelihood of conflict, the relationship is weaker for commodities that are more easily appropriable by force, and the relationship is generally stronger for manufactured goods with the notable exceptions of chemical and metal industries and the high-technology sector.

The List Pim Fortuyn (LPF) party of the late Pim Fortuyn is compared to previous far Right parties in the Netherlands to shed light on the LPF's success in 2002. Despite Fortuyn's protests, it is seen as not undue to label the LPF as right wing, particularly on the basis of its comparable policy platform. It is contended that the LPF had more to offer than other right-wing parties & these factors account for its success. The failure of the Dutch far Right prior to 2001 is assessed, delineating Cas Muddle & Joop van Holsteyn's (2000) tripartite explanation for this phenomenon. The LPF's policy platform cannot simply be related to the far Right or new radical Right, but possibly a populist anti-statist position. Pim Fortuyn's political entrepreneurship is seen as a boon to the LPF as the current Dutch system encourages such a personality on the basis of the party platform convergence & voter volatility. However, without Fortuyn at its head, the LPF has failed to drum up quality personnel & stable institutions, seen as critical to electoral success. 2 Figures, 28 References. J. Zendejas

Hegre provides an interesting extension & an important amendment to my previous article. Here, I evaluate the ratio of minimum probabilities of victory given different assumptions about the nature of conflict. The analysis corroborates my previous conclusion that trade has the strongest deterrent effect if countries trade freely before conflict & are committed to not trading after conflict. In agreement with Hegre, the effect of trade increases with a larger number of countries. Finally, I demonstrate that the interpretation of ratio-indicators needs to be done with caution -- just as is the case with difference-indicators. 2 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications Ltd.]

Hegre provides an interesting extension and an important amendment to my previous article. Here, I evaluate the ratio of minimum probabilities of victory given different assumptions about the nature of conflict. The analysis corroborates my previous conclusion that trade has the strongest deterrent effect if countries trade freely before conflict and are committed to not trading after conflict. In agreement with Hegre, the effect of trade increases with a larger number of countries. Finally, I demonstrate that the interpretation of ratio-indicators needs to be done with caution - just as is the case with difference-indicators.

Several recent studies argue that positive incentives have become important policy instruments allowing states to meet their post-Cold War security challenges. The leading research question is the effectiveness and efficiency of incentives relative to (economic) sanctions. Whereas earlier work often treated incentives merely as weak sanctions, these studies present a theoretical perspective in which incentives become powerful instruments to turn conflict into cooperation. The essay is constructed around four major issues: (1) the comparison of the effectiveness of incentives and sanctions, (2) the identification of conditions under which incentives are effective, (3) the use of the comparative case studies method to test these conditions, and (4) the identification of policy implications. A principal argument in this essay is that incentives need to be distinguished very carefully from sanctions. Moreover, none of the studies derives the conditions under which we expect incentives to matter more than sanctions. The books are good examples of both the strengths and weaknesses of the comparative case studies method. Expert knowledge provides valuable insight into the various cases, but lack of logical and inferential constraint remains a problem. Nevertheless, the studies offer important policy lessons for the successful implementation of incentives. This essay suggests various ways in which research on sanctions and incentives could progress. In particular, older work by Knorr (1975) already proposes how sanctions and incentives can be distinguished. Finally, it is indicated how selection bias could have been avoided.