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In the past decade, Brazil has undergone a long series of political changes, culminating in the recent election of President Lula da Silva and his Workers' Party. These changes have come about through a landslide of social activism that is unprecedented in the country's history. The central topic of this book is an examination of three major recent movements within Brazil's civil society: the women's movement, the urban housing movement, and the landless peasant movement. All three are representative of a more general trend toward public protest and collectively indicate a shift in the internal dynamics of group identity within Brazil. The authors propose that the practices of power in Brazil are influenced by the expressions of a civil society now reorganized into a social movement and mobilized within a 'cycle of protest' that attains the level of a political alternative and that the present cycle of collective action is fuelled by the pitfalls of market reforms.

In the past decade, Brazil has undergone a long series of political changes, culminating in the recent election of President Lula da Silva and his Workers' Party. These changes have come about through a landslide of social activism that is unprecedented in the country's history. The central topic of this book is an examination of three major recent movements within Brazil's civil society: the women's movement, the urban housing movement, and the landless peasant movement. All three are representative of a more general trend toward public protest and collectively indicate a shift in the internal dynamics of group identity within Brazil. The authors propose that the practices of power in Brazil are influenced by the expressions of a civil society now reorganized into a social movement and mobilized within a 'cycle of protest' that attains the level of a political alternative and that the present cycle of collective action is fuelled by the pitfalls of market reforms

"In Building New Democracies Michel Duquette analyses the main public policies of Brazil, Chile, and Mexico to explore examples of how countries make the transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic society." "The main objective of the book is to follow the process of policy formation in very young democracies."--Jacket

In the Third World, the Energy Crisis of 1973 emphasized the vulnerability of certain large oil-importing countries engagea in an extensive process of industrialization. As the multinational-dominated automobile industry represented the core of the recent industrializing profile in Brazil, the end of Growth meant a direct threat to its future development as an energy-consuming economic sector. A powerful lobby was then activated to intervene on the side of the State and the national bourgeoisie. The latter was putting forward the PRO-ALCOOL program in the Mid-Seventies, as a response to the new challenge. An alliance with the car industry was made possible when the State withdrew from a tradition of direct involvment in Energy (exemplified by PETROBRAS), to enhance the private sector. Such a neo-liberal strategy in oil-substitution would be aimed at a potentially unlimited market in South America and the Carribean for alcohol-powered cars, while being essentially dependent upon the performance of its participants : the national bourgeoisie engagea in agro-business, and the automobile industry.
In the light of recent findings from a research conducted in Brazil, the author recognized the originality of this internationalizing strategy, in the context of regional market integration. However, given its neo-liberal nature, it is not surprising that controls (of costs and quality) remained largely ineffective. Further structural limitations, such as technological deficiencies caused by inadequate R & D activities, uneasy relations among actors, especially among multinational corporations themselves, and a lack of private funding (to be related to the deep crisis in Latin America) delayed the implementation of the program in its original conception. Although reluctant to the introduction of new competitors, especially from Japan, the multinational could be forced into a new alliance that goes far beyond the actual loose formula, if they want the PRO-ALCOHOL program to be reactivated in the near future.

This study looks into the federal government' s relinquishment of its 1980 energy policy known as the National Energy Programme. Such a sacrifice was made in the name of free trade between Canada and the U.S. Indeed, it is suggested that for the Conservatives, their deregulation of the energy industry for the sake of the economic integration of North America has served as the very proof of free trade. Hence also the end of the Foreign Investment Review Agency symbol of Canadian nationalism.
For the free trade negotiations to be concluded, Ottawa needs to establish a common front with the provinces. This new context is in agreement with the "national reconciliation" policy extolled by the Tories soon after they came to power. In the name of a more decentralized Federation, they would surrender much in order to stimulate trade between the regions and the American market. This appears to them as the best way to boost the economy to a point which is already reached by our neighbours in the south. Thus the two projects, i.e. a complete redefinition of the energy policy and rapprochement with Washington, are being seen through simultaneously, in a spirit of compromise.
In handing over to the provinces the administration of their off shore territories, and going as far even as to promote their traditional stance regarding the canadian energy policy, Alberta being a case in point, the government espouses a particular style of relationship with the industry. So as to bring Canada to par with current practices in the U.S., it brings forth its objective of "privatisation" which is in accordance with the neo-conservative credo: the subsidization of industry, deregulation, sharing out of the energy industry to the advantage of the private sector, the eventual privatization of Petro Canada. In this study, a first framework for analysis of those phenomena, with regard to the current negotiations between Canada and the US, is proposed.

Cet article pose deux questions. D'abord, pourquoi et comment s'est opéré le virage d'une politique étrangère (libérale) et basée sur le principe de l'intégration nationale et territoriale accompagnée d'un effort de rayonnement international - la troisième voie -, vers une politique étrangère (conservatrice) d'inspiration pragmatique et commerciale, mise au service du rayonnement régional nord-américain ? Ensuite, quelle a été la place du secteur énergétique dans la mise en place du libre-échange nord-américain dans le cadre du traité canado-américain (ALÉ) de 1988, puis de l'Accord de libre-échange nord-américain (ALÉNA) de 1992 ? L'article fait ressortir l'importance des facteurs intérieurs dont la prééminence des traditions « privatisantes » qui triomphaient en Alberta et au Québec (provinces productrices) de même que le débat très vif qui se fait jour, surtout en Ontario (province consommatrice), et menace de renverser les Conservateurs en 1988. Aussi, le rôle de la réserve stratégique de l'énergie comme outil d'intéressement des États-Unis au principe de libre-échange, élément qui fut habilement utilisé par le Canada dans la nouvelle conjoncture, sera étudié. On y verra comment l'énergie devient le fer de lance de la stratégie d'exportation canadienne.