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The overarching purpose with this study is to contribute to the discussion on realignment along political cleavages in Swedish politics. Civil society organizations, active in the wolf debate in Sweden, are investigated to unfold their strategic interest in mobilizing along the cleavages Urban-rural or Centre-periphery. Interviews have been conducted with persons active in hunter's and environmentalist organizations. The results show that the cleavage Centre-periphery has a mobilizing potential, while the cleavage Urban-rural has a more limited potential. Adapted from the source document.

"The elections of nonpermanent members to the Security Council have become an increasingly competitive political and diplomatic game. Why do states assign to the lengthy, expensive, and difficult commitment that a Security Council candidature entails? What do they want to achieve and why are some states more successful in their endevour? This book establishes that the electoral results over time contribute to a stratified order between states and associate a term in the Council with multiple power enhancing benefits. It explores, especially, the significance of the campaigns carried out by competing candidates for the outcome of the UNSC elections. Contributors are: Anna María Eggertsdóttir, Jóna Sólveig Elínardóttir, Fredrik Dybfest Hjorthen, Touko Piiparinen, Tarja Seppä, Anni Tervo and Baldur Thorhallsson"--

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- List of Abbreviations -- Chapter 1: Mediatization of Foreign Policy Decision-Making -- 1.1 Our Theoretical Argument in Brief -- 1.2 Disposition of the Book -- References -- Literature -- Chapter 2: The Scope Conditions of Mediatized Foreign Policy -- 2.1 A Process that Permeates All Parts of Society, All the Time…? -- 2.2 The Need for a Delimited Understanding of Mediatization -- 2.3 Scope Conditions of Mediatized Foreign Policy Roles -- 2.4 CNN Literature as Empirical Support for Uncertainty as an Important Scope Condition -- 2.5 Towards an Analytical Framework -- References -- Literature -- Chapter 3: Design and Methodological Concerns -- 3.1 Scope Conditions on a General Level-Empirical Evidence from the UNGA -- 3.2 Two Empirical Cases-Libya and Côte d'Ivoire -- 3.3 Studying Three Actors-Finland, Sweden and the UK -- 3.4 How to Proceed with the Empirical Studies -- 3.5 Appendix: Interview Guide -- References -- Literature -- Chapter 4: Mediatization in the United Nations General Assembly -- 4.1 Mediatization of Process and Form -- 4.2 Measuring Indications of a Mediatized Foreign Policy in UNGA Speeches -- 4.3 Empirical Findings from the UN General Assembly -- 4.3.1 Changes in Foreign Policy Content -- 4.3.2 The Scope Conditions of Mediatization of the Content of Politics -- 4.3.3 Changes in Form -- 4.4 The Relationship between Form and Content -- 4.5 Three Hypothesis Regarding the Scope Conditions of Mediatization -- 4.6 Conclusions -- 4.7 Appendix. Code Sheet: The Mediatization of European Foreign Policy -- References -- Literature -- Chapter 5: Political Logic at Play in Côte d'Ivoire -- 5.1 The Development Leading to Civil War in Côte d'Ivoire -- 5.1.1 The Presidential Elections in 2010 and the UNSC in 2011 -- 5.2 Media Reports on the Crisis in Côte d'Ivoire.

Through an explanation of the domestic political controversy that surrounded the most recent Swedish candidature and subsequent membership of the UN Security Council 2017–18, this article contributes to our understanding of the domestic–foreign policy nexus in two respects. First, it conceptualizes a domain of foreign policy priorities. Issues within this domain are likelier to deviate from a consensual pattern of foreign policy by sparking conflict, as they provoke competing national role conceptions among the foreign policy elite. Second, it refines results from previous study on the executive–legislative relationship in foreign policy. It confirms the association between party conflict on substantive foreign policy and a higher level of parliamentary control on the government. The conflict on substance leads to a decline in trust among members of parliament in opposition, which may motivate the continuation of parliamentary control through available instruments also after the conflict on substance is settled. The analysis is conducted in three descriptive steps: (1) the domestic-institutional context of decision-making, (2) partisan divides, and (3) the executive–legislative relationship. It utilizes a variety of sources, including parliamentary debates, governmental and parliamentary assessments, and interviews with diplomats and senior officials.

Abstract
Through an explanation of the domestic political controversy that surrounded the most recent Swedish candidature and subsequent membership of the UN Security Council 2017–18, this article contributes to our understanding of the domestic–foreign policy nexus in two respects. First, it conceptualizes a domain of foreign policy priorities. Issues within this domain are likelier to deviate from a consensual pattern of foreign policy by sparking conflict, as they provoke competing national role conceptions among the foreign policy elite. Second, it refines results from previous study on the executive–legislative relationship in foreign policy. It confirms the association between party conflict on substantive foreign policy and a higher level of parliamentary control on the government. The conflict on substance leads to a decline in trust among members of parliament in opposition, which may motivate the continuation of parliamentary control through available instruments also after the conflict on substance is settled. The analysis is conducted in three descriptive steps: (1) the domestic-institutional context of decision-making, (2) partisan divides, and (3) the executive–legislative relationship. It utilizes a variety of sources, including parliamentary debates, governmental and parliamentary assessments, and interviews with diplomats and senior officials.

Summary
Competition for a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council is getting tougher, not the least between candidates within the Western European and Others Group. This empirical study compares the campaigns carried out by Sweden and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, in order to explain the Swedish victory in the first round of the elections in 2016. A theoretical framework identifies three logics of campaigning: contributions, commitment and competence. The study maps out the features of the campaigns, including organisation, key participants, activities and message. It includes interviews with diplomats and public officials involved in the campaigns, as well as available campaign documentation and concluding reports. A main difference detected between the candidatures is the more active political involvement in the Swedish campaign, which shows the Swedish commitment and competence to serve on the Council. Further use of this theoretical framework on additional cases of international campaigning is encouraged.

Junior partners in a coalition government are torn between an eagerness to profile themselves, and to show loyalty to the coalition. We investigate when, how and why junior coalition parties affect foreign policy and profile themselves despite demands for national unity. We study two Swedish centre‐right governments in 2006–2010 and 2010–2014. The parties' foreign policy positions in election manifestos are compared to the foreign policy positions presented in the joint Alliance manifesto and yearly government declarations. An explorative analysis of possible explanations for junior parties' influence is based on elite interviews. The results indicate that junior coalition parties might influence the foreign policy in symbolic value related issues, but less so in issues with real policy implications. Our analysis reveals the importance of the leading member of the coalition and how junior parties converge over time towards the position of the senior coalition member.

This study analyses to what extent a change of government in times of unchanged international structure affects the ideology of foreign policy. The main contribution is to investigate the role of political culture, as reflected through institutional design, as an intervening variable. Effects of changes of government in the United Kingdom in 1997 and 2010 and in Sweden in 1994 and 2006 is studied by analysing speeches in the General Debates of the UN General Assembly. The analysis is based on four ideal types. The results indicate that institutional design is an influencing intervening variable of foreign policy ideology. In the UK, a country dominated by majoritarian institutional design, foreign policy ideology changes more extensively in times of government change than in Sweden, a country dominated by consensual institutional design. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright NISA.]

We propose a framework for analysing party elite perceptions of voting behaviour based on four party competition and voting behaviour models: the Downsian proximity, saliency, competence and directional models. We analyse whether and to what extent party elite perceptions support these theories of party competition and voting behaviour. Empirical analysis is based solely on internal party documents from two Swedish parties, the Social Democrats and the Conservatives, from 1964 to 1988/1991. We demonstrate that elements of all four party competition models have characterized Swedish party elite thinking and reasoning about voting behaviour in recent decades. Discussion in the Social Democratic elite was most in line with Downs' model. Until the mid-1970s, Downs' model tended to be combined with the competence model and thereafter with the saliency model. The Conservative elite clearly favoured the salience and competence models until the early 1970s and the saliency and Downs' models since then. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

This study analyses to what extent a change of government in times of unchanged international structure affects the ideology of foreign policy. The main contribution is to investigate the role of political culture, as reflected through institutional design, as an intervening variable. Effects of changes of government in the United Kingdom in 1997 and 2010 and in Sweden in 1994 and 2006 is studied by analysing speeches in the General Debates of the UN General Assembly. The analysis is based on four ideal types. The results indicate that institutional design is an influencing intervening variable of foreign policy ideology. In the UK, a country dominated by majoritarian institutional design, foreign policy ideology changes more extensively in times of government change than in Sweden, a country dominated by consensual institutional design.