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Can representation in foreign policy deliberations – in particular, increased female representation – impact deliberators' support for interstate conflict resolution? While existing work on gender representation in IR suggests that increased female representation should moderate intragroup hawkishness, making conflict resolution more viable, I offer empirical evidence that qualifies this idea, based on a survey experiment on 149 male and 55 female elite Pakistani legislators. Politicians of both sexes were randomly assigned to 'listen in' on a hypothetical national security deliberation that was either all-male or gender-mixed. I find that politicians' decisionmaking in these hypothetical committees was informed simultaneously by notions of committee competence and by inferences about the social desirability of hawkish outcomes in deliberative settings. Specifically, respondents assigned to gender-mixed committees became less supportive of external conflict resolution. I show how different mechanisms accounted for this increased hawkishness for men and women. Female politicians assigned to gender-mixed committees became more conscious and wary of how their participation, the result of increased representation, would be perceived, compelling them to opt for more hawkish policies. Male politicians, in contrast, attempted to overcompensate for the increased visibility of female representation by resorting to greater levels of aggression.

Existing work on the democratic accountability of foreign policy suggests that when an incumbent incurs foreign policy losses, including but not limited to standing down in a crisis, making costly compromises, or accepting defeat abroad, opposition politicians at home weigh criticizing the government with the national interest. But this work has largely been developed with a view to explaining oppositional behavior in consolidated democracies. I argue that while electorally competitive oppositions in weakly institutionalized regimes can and frequently do criticize elected incumbents for costly foreign policy reversals, they are less likely to do so if they believe this criticism may negatively affect democratic stability and potentially invite irregular leadership turnover, as this would prevent the opposition from coming into office. I find support for this hypothesis, which I term oppositional pragmatism, in a survey experiment on 430 political party workers affiliated with Pakistan's biggest political party and directionally consistent effects on a smaller but highly elite sample of 202 Pakistani legislators.

Abstract
Existing work on the democratic accountability of foreign policy suggests that when an incumbent incurs foreign policy losses, including but not limited to standing down in a crisis, making costly compromises, or accepting defeat abroad, opposition politicians at home weigh criticizing the government with the national interest. But this work has largely been developed with a view to explaining oppositional behavior in consolidated democracies. I argue that while electorally competitive oppositions in weakly institutionalized regimes can and frequently do criticize elected incumbents for costly foreign policy reversals, they are less likely to do so if they believe this criticism may negatively affect democratic stability and potentially invite irregular leadership turnover, as this would prevent the opposition from coming into office. I find support for this hypothesis, which I term oppositional pragmatism, in a survey experiment on 430 political party workers affiliated with Pakistan's biggest political party and directionally consistent effects on a smaller but highly elite sample of 202 Pakistani legislators.

AbstractThe poet ʿAli ibn Jabala, also called al-ʿAkawwak, was a little known but significant poet who lived during the late 8th and early 9th centuries. This article examines his poetry in its political and cultural context to delineate the literary devices exploited by the poet in his poems of praise. Moreover, this paper interprets existing prose anecdotes claiming that al-ʿAkawwak's panegyric poem to the caliph al-Maʾmun's commander, Abu Dulaf al-ʿIjli, made the caliph so furious that he ordered the poet's execution, despite the poet having never composed any verses overtly criticizing the caliph. The argument is made that, within the tense political atmosphere of the time, the style that the poet embraced in praising the two commanders, Abu Dulaf al-ʿIjli and Humayd al-Tusi, intensified al-Maʾmun's anger toward the poet.

Background: Acute type A aortic dissection (ATAAD) is a life-threatening disease requiring urgent surgery. It is regionally managed by an emergency network (REseau Nord Alpin des Urgences-RENAU) in which our centre participates. Objectives: 1) To assess the local management of patients operated for ATAAD over the last decade, and the hospital morbi-mortality. 2) To analyse the risk factors of operative mortality. Method: Observational retrospective single-centre study including the patients operated for ATAAD from 01/01/2010 to 12/31/2019. Multivariate analysis of the risk factors of operative mortality, summarized by their adjusted odds ratio (OR). Results: Two hundred and twenty patients were included. The computed tomography scan was the diagnostic examination in 70.2% of the cases. The direct transfer to the operating room was achieved in 74.0% of the cases. A malperfusion was present in 43.2% of patients, 29.2% were in shock. A procedure on the aortic root or the arch was performed in 29.0% and 39.2% of the cases, respectively. Operative mortality was 19.1% and the risk factors were: an age over 70 years (OR 2.2, p=0.034), a preoperative cardiac arrest (OR 15.8, p=0.025), a femoro-femoral cannulation (OR 2.8, p=0.048), a postoperative low flow (OR 4.1, p=0.0057), stroke or coma (OR 4.2, p=0.0056), or digestive ischemia (OR 11.1, p=0.0017). Conclusion: The RENAU permits the rapid transfer to the operating room of ATAAD, whose diagnosis was facilitated by the democratization of the scan. Operative mortality was still high but acceptable considering the important part of patients admitted to the operating room with critical clinical condition. ; Introduction : La dissection aortique aiguë de type A (DAAA) est une maladie grave nécessitant une chirurgie urgente. Sa prise en charge régionale est encadrée par un réseau d'urgence (REseau Nord Alpin des Urgences-RENAU) auquel participe notre centre. Objectifs : 1) Décrire la prise en charge locale des patients opérés de DAAA sur la dernière décennie et la morbi-mortalité hospitalière. 2) Analyser les facteurs de risque de mortalité opératoire. Méthode : Etude rétrospective mono-centrique observationnelle concernant les patients opérés de DAAA du 01/01/2010 au 31/12/2019. Analyse multivariée des facteurs de risque de mortalité opératoire, résumés par leur odds ratio ajusté (OR). Résultats : Deux cent vingt patients étaient inclus. Le scanner était l'examen diagnostique dans 70,2% des cas. Le transfert direct au bloc opératoire était réalisé dans 74,0% des cas. Une malperfusion était constatée chez 43,2% des patients, 29,2% étaient en choc. Un geste sur la racine aortique ou la crosse était réalisé dans 29,0% et 39,2% des cas respectivement. La mortalité opératoire était de 19,1% et les facteurs de risque étaient : un âge supérieur à 70 ans (OR 2,2, p=0,034), un arrêt cardiaque préopératoire (OR 15,8, p=0,025), une canulation fémoro-fémorale (OR 2,8, p=0,048), un bas débit (OR 4,1, p=0,0057), un accident vasculaire cérébral ou coma (OR 4,2, p=0,0056) ou une ischémie digestive (OR 11,1, p=0,0017) postopératoire. Conclusion : Le RENAU permet le transfert rapide au bloc des DAAA, dont le diagnostic a été facilité par la démocratisation du scanner. La mortalité opératoire y reste élevée mais acceptable compte tenu d'une part importante de patients admis au bloc en état grave.

Background: Acute type A aortic dissection (ATAAD) is a life-threatening disease requiring urgent surgery. It is regionally managed by an emergency network (REseau Nord Alpin des Urgences-RENAU) in which our centre participates. Objectives: 1) To assess the local management of patients operated for ATAAD over the last decade, and the hospital morbi-mortality. 2) To analyse the risk factors of operative mortality. Method: Observational retrospective single-centre study including the patients operated for ATAAD from 01/01/2010 to 12/31/2019. Multivariate analysis of the risk factors of operative mortality, summarized by their adjusted odds ratio (OR). Results: Two hundred and twenty patients were included. The computed tomography scan was the diagnostic examination in 70.2% of the cases. The direct transfer to the operating room was achieved in 74.0% of the cases. A malperfusion was present in 43.2% of patients, 29.2% were in shock. A procedure on the aortic root or the arch was performed in 29.0% and 39.2% of the cases, respectively. Operative mortality was 19.1% and the risk factors were: an age over 70 years (OR 2.2, p=0.034), a preoperative cardiac arrest (OR 15.8, p=0.025), a femoro-femoral cannulation (OR 2.8, p=0.048), a postoperative low flow (OR 4.1, p=0.0057), stroke or coma (OR 4.2, p=0.0056), or digestive ischemia (OR 11.1, p=0.0017). Conclusion: The RENAU permits the rapid transfer to the operating room of ATAAD, whose diagnosis was facilitated by the democratization of the scan. Operative mortality was still high but acceptable considering the important part of patients admitted to the operating room with critical clinical condition. ; Introduction : La dissection aortique aiguë de type A (DAAA) est une maladie grave nécessitant une chirurgie urgente. Sa prise en charge régionale est encadrée par un réseau d'urgence (REseau Nord Alpin des Urgences-RENAU) auquel participe notre centre. Objectifs : 1) Décrire la prise en charge locale des patients opérés de DAAA sur la dernière décennie et la morbi-mortalité hospitalière. 2) Analyser les facteurs de risque de mortalité opératoire. Méthode : Etude rétrospective mono-centrique observationnelle concernant les patients opérés de DAAA du 01/01/2010 au 31/12/2019. Analyse multivariée des facteurs de risque de mortalité opératoire, résumés par leur odds ratio ajusté (OR). Résultats : Deux cent vingt patients étaient inclus. Le scanner était l'examen diagnostique dans 70,2% des cas. Le transfert direct au bloc opératoire était réalisé dans 74,0% des cas. Une malperfusion était constatée chez 43,2% des patients, 29,2% étaient en choc. Un geste sur la racine aortique ou la crosse était réalisé dans 29,0% et 39,2% des cas respectivement. La mortalité opératoire était de 19,1% et les facteurs de risque étaient : un âge supérieur à 70 ans (OR 2,2, p=0,034), un arrêt cardiaque préopératoire (OR 15,8, p=0,025), une canulation fémoro-fémorale (OR 2,8, p=0,048), un bas débit (OR 4,1, p=0,0057), un accident vasculaire cérébral ou coma (OR 4,2, p=0,0056) ou une ischémie digestive (OR 11,1, p=0,0017) postopératoire. Conclusion : Le RENAU permet le transfert rapide au bloc des DAAA, dont le diagnostic a été facilité par la démocratisation du scanner. La mortalité opératoire y reste élevée mais acceptable compte tenu d'une part importante de patients admis au bloc en état grave.

The book, Growth and Inequality in Pakistan, is written on a
very important theme. In this book, important economic issues of
Pakistan economy are touched upon carefully, using recent facts and
figures, and far-reaching practical associations are also made a part of
this book. The book proceeds in a logical manner and the topics covered
in the book capture the deep attention of the reader. The book is
divided into seven sections and each section is further divided into
chapters related to the issues of concern. As the rising population is
an important concern for any economy, therefore, before policy options,
the initial discussion in this book focuses on the issues concerning the
population of Pakistan. As the population census has been carried out
after a gap of nineteen years, it becomes inevitable to start addressing
issues related to population, its growth, and international comparisons.
Section one presents a good review of the population of Pakistan, which
has reached 207.8 million. 1 The discussion is followed by focusing on
the distribution of population and its growth. The growth rate for the
period 1998-2017 revealed by the census is 2.4 percent, which, according
to the author, is worrisome. The size and growth of cities is also a
concern, which shows that the fastest growing cities in Pakistan are
Lahore and Islamabad. Overall, in Pakistan urbanisation is taking place
at a moderate rate but imbalances are observed in the size distribution
of the cities.

For nearly two decades contemporary artists from the Middle Eastern diaspora have enjoyed international acclaim with significant representation across major international exhibitions in Western art centers. This success can be attributed in part to the strong sociopolitical concerns that characterize their practices. Like their international counterparts, Australian artists from the Middle Eastern diaspora contribute to the enduring relationship between art and politics and yet despite this, the practice of contemporary Australian artists from the diaspora is scarcely known internationally. This article seeks to offer some redress by introducing seven contemporary Australian artists from the Middle Eastern diaspora who for the past decade have achieved institutional recognition in Australia.

Sara Rizvi Jafree's book titled Women, Healthcare and Violence
in Pakistan is a detailed explanation and analysis of various forms of
violence perpetuated and exercised against women professionals in the
field of healthcare. The book details the quantitative and qualitative
evidences of violence against women in the healthcare domain of
Pakistan. For quantitative evidence, the author has cited sources from
the reports published by the World Health Organisation and academic
materials published in medical journals in the context of Pakistan. For
the qualitative evidence, the author has included both event-based and
experiential narratives of women who shared lived experiences of
violence with the author while she conducted her research with the
female health professionals of Punjab. The book is divided into seven
chapters, each highlighting the evidence of gendered violence in a
synchronic and hybridised way.

The main goal of this paper is to contribute to a better understanding of political flexibility of the Ottomans by researching state decisions that led to exempting urban population in the frontier sanjaks of Bosnia, Herzegovina, Zvornik and Klis from paying extraordinary taxes (avârız-ı dîvâniyye). Particularly, attention is paid to identifying the discourse of state officials, the diversity of reasons stated by the government in granting tax exemptions to the population of frontier towns, the background of exemptions, their links with the interests/needs of the state, as well as to changes that occurred over time in the tax status of the mentioned groups. Together with that, efforts were made in making parallels with state policies towards inland provinces and other internal peripheries of the Ottoman Empire. The basis for the analysis consists of various cadastral survey registers (tâpu tahrîr defter), compiled from the fourth decade of the 16th century to the beginning of the 17th century. Finally, the interpretation of those primary sources is intended to contribute to further reassessment of traditional narratives on the Orient and Orientals, particularly to deconstruction of overly generalised and essentialistically understood images of their supposed inertness and indolence of mind.

Media, especially television channels and newspapers have become another political battleground in Indonesian democracy. Some following scenes would describe how Indonesian media empires link to the political system. Media becomes the battleground for politics and there are two point-of-views that could be taken. First, from the perspective of politicians, media is a medium to legitimate their political authority. Second, from the perspective of media barons, politics is an arena that can benefit their business empires. At this point, the marriage between political power and media ownership will eliminate the independence; consequently, the role of media in the concept of democracy to control the power will be diminished or even disappeared.