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Cyberactivism has emerged as a transposition of unconventional political action to the context of information and communication technologies. This phenomenon raises at least three questions. The first is the definition, delineation and classification of the concept. The second is that of the theoretical perspectives from which to answer questions such as: does the emergence of ICTs in the public sphere enhance civic culture or not? This question led to Pippa Norris to distinguish between mobilization theories and theories of reinforcement. Finally, there is a need to design tools and studies with which to attempt to evaluate and measure the phenomenon, as proposed by the biannual study entitled The Internet in Britain and in the work of the University of Southern California through the Center for the Digital Future. Following this review, we develop a new definition of cyberactivism and propose some instrument to measure the phenomenon. ; La emergencia del ciberactivismo como una traslación de la acción política no convencional en el contexto de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación plantea al menos tres cuestiones. La definición, delimitación y clasificación del mismo concepto. El segundo aspecto que suscita el ciberactivismo es de carácter teórico al plantear las siguientes perspectivas antitéticas: ¿Provoca o no la aparición de las TIC en la esfera política un aumento de la cultura cívica? Pregunta que lleva a Pippa Norris a distinguir entre las teorías de la movilización y las teorías del refuerzo. Finalmente, surge la necesidad de diseñar instrumentos y estudios que procuran en parte una evaluación y medida del fenómeno del ciberactivismo tal y como lo lleva a cabo el estudio bianual The Internet in Britain o los trabajos de la Universidad del Sur de California a través del Center for the Digital Future. Tras esta revisión, desarrollaremos propuestas conceptuales y metodológicas para medir dicho fenómeno.

Digital competence is key to the education of 21st century university students. This was the understanding of the European Union, which established 21 competencies for its development. One of them deals with digital commitment and participation. Recent literature and research offer us some instruments to measure this cyberactivism through concrete actions. A study is proposed that carries out a first approach to the cyberactivism of university students through a sample of 605 interviewed through the Internet. Once again, the high digital literacy but the scarce use for an active digital citizenship of the Internet is verified, which constitutes a new digital divide. There is also a negative correlation between cyberactivism and those who use the Internet most to do their university work. The discussion and conclusion reflect on and proposes lines of research and strategies for educational intervention to promote active digital citizenship among university students ; La competencia digital es clave para la formación de los universitarios del siglo XXI. Así lo entendió la Unión Europea que estableció 21 competencias para su desarrollo. Una de ellas, trata el compromiso y la participación digital. La literatura e investigaciones recientes nos ofrecen algunos instrumentos para medir ese ciberactivismo a través de acciones concretas. Se plantea un estudio que lleva a cabo una primera aproximación al ciberactivismo de los estudiantes universitarios a través de una muestra de 605 entrevistados a través de internet. Se constata una vez más, la alta alfabetización digital pero el escaso uso para una ciudadanía digital activa de internet, lo que constituye una nueva brecha digital. También se encuentra una correlación negativa entre el ciberactivismo con aquellos que más utilizan internet para realizar sus trabajos universitarios. En la discusión y conclusión se reflexiona y se proponen líneas para seguir investigando y estrategias para una intervención educativa para promover una ciudadanía digital activa entre los universitarios

The 2030 Agenda sets out seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The educational goal is to promote the education of citizens on sustainable development, among other things. Educating today's digital citizens on sustainability means training them for justice and social activism, commitment and political engagement. However, research into the subject shows a lack of consistency in the education of university students. This paper presents a study of students of Education, on education on sustainability through the practice of active and critical digital citizenship. A quasi-experimental method was used to learn about the behaviors of digital citizens, and intervention was carried out by means of an SDG-focused workshop and observation of the final level of commitment. The results show a positive level of commitment and digital activism around content related to sustainable development, which can be addressed from the university syllabus in a cross-curricular way.

Partimos del modelo neo-republicano de ciudadanía propuesto por Habermas para situarlo en el contexto de la era digital. Se define al ciudadano digital como una persona que ejerce sus derechos en internet de ciudadanía desde unos principios éticos y críticos coherentes con un activismo político, con el fin de promover el cambio social. Este estudio se ha centrado en la evaluación de la ciudadanía digital mediante la Escala de Ciudadanía Digital de Choi, Glassman y Cristol (2017), con el objetivo de constatar qué perfil, dimensiones y necesidades de ciudadanía digital caracterizan al alumnado universitario entrevistado (n=250). Los resultados manifiestan que los jóvenes universitarios tienen habilidades técnicas y competencias digitales altas, así como un uso muy asiduo de los medios digitales. Sin embargo, las dimensiones de enfoque crítico y activismo político en internet o ciberactivismo resultan deficitarias. Además, el hecho de buscar información o informarse mediante medios digitales provoca significativamente un mayor nivel de ciudadanía digital, mientras que la realización de actividades y tareas académicas universitarias no aporta ningún incremento. En conclusión, el nivel educativo universitario se enfrenta al reto de fomentar la educación para una ciudadanía digital crítica y activa, especialmente en su dimensión de activismo o implicación online en todos los aspectos del proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje. ; We start with the neo-republican model of citizenship proposed by Habermas to situate it in the context of the digital age. The digital citizen is defined as a person who exercises their rights on the Internet of citizenship from ethical and critical principles consistent with a political activism, in order to promote social change. This study has focused on the evaluation of digital citizenship through the Digital Citizenship Scale of Choi, Glassman and Cristol (2017), with the aim of ascertaining, what profile, dimensions and needs of digital citizenship characterize the university students interviewed (n=250). The results show that young university students have high digital skills and technical skills, as well as a very regular use of digital media. However, the dimensions of critical approach and political activism o cyberactivsim are deficient. Finally, the fact of seeking information or information through digital means significantly leads to greater digital citizenship, while the accomplishment of activities and academic university tasks does not bring any increase. In conclusion, the university educational level faces the challenge of promoting critical and active digital citizenship education, especially in its dimension of activism or online engagement in all aspects of the teaching-learning process. ; peerReviewed

We start with the neo-republican model of citizenship proposed by Habermas to situate it in the context of the digital age. The digital citizen is defined as a person who exercises their rights on the Internet of citizenship from ethical and critical principles consistent with a political activism, in order to promote social change. This study has focused on the evaluation of digital citizenship through the Digital Citizenship Scale of Choi, Glassman and Cristol (2017), with the aim of ascertaining, what profile, dimensions and needs of digital citizenship characterize the university students interviewed (n = 250). The results show that young university students have high digital skills and technical skills, as well as a very regular use of digital media. However, the dimensions of critical approach and political activism o cyberactivsim are deficient. Finally, the fact of seeking information or information through digital means significantly leads to greater digital citizenship, while the accomplishment of activities and academic university tasks does not bring any increase. In conclusion, the university educational level faces the challenge of promoting critical and active digital citizenship education, especially in its dimension of activism or online engagement in all aspects of the teaching-learning process. ; Partimos del modelo neo-republicano de ciudadanía propuesto por Habermas para situarlo en el contexto de la era digital. Se define al ciudadano digital como una persona que ejerce sus derechos en internet de ciudadanía desde unos principios éticos y críticos coherentes con un activismo político, con el fin de promover el cambio social. Este estudio se ha centrado en la evaluación de la ciudadanía digital mediante la Escala de Ciudadanía Digital de Choi, Glassman y Cristol (2017), con el objetivo de constatar qué perfil, dimensiones y necesidades de ciudadanía digital caracterizan al alumnado universitario entrevistado (n=250). Los resultados manifiestan que los jóvenes universitarios tienen ...

The European Union has opted for a competitive and dynamic economy without losing social cohesion. Education is one of the pillars on which it is based to achieve this objective, but also a crucial element from which to ensure equity and social cohesion. The present study approaches, with a qualitative approach through documentary research, what equity measures are being developed from the educational systems of 32 European countries and what equity profiles can be established between countries. The analysis allows to show progress in the line intended, but also the use of practices and educational policies inconsistent and even contrary to equity and social and educational inclusion. ; La Unión Europea ha apostado por convertirse en una economía competitiva y dinámica sin perder por ello cohesión social. La educación es uno de los pilares en los que se basa para alcanzar dicho objetivo, pero también un elemento crucial desde el que velar por la equidad y la cohesión social. El presente estudio aborda, con un enfoque cualitativo mediante la investigación documental, qué medidas estructurales de equidad se están desarrollando desde los sistemas educativos de 32 países europeos y qué perfiles de equidad pueden establecerse entre los países. El análisis permite mostrar avances en la línea pretendida, pero también el uso de prácticas y políticas educativas incoherentes e incluso contrarias a la equidad y la inclusión social y educativa.

El presente trabajo analiza estadísticamente el significado de la variable o dimensión social que denominamos Productivismo vs. Decrecentísmo. Construimos su definición operativa a partir del trabajo de los autores que han contribuido a la teoría del decrecimiento. Y para el análisis estadístico de utilizan los datos de la sexta oleada de la Encuesta Mundial de Valores (2010-14) y los datos del informe sobre desarrollo humano (PNUD, 2014). Lo cual permite también establecer comparación con la dimensión aterialismo vs. Postmaterialismo . Los resultados muestran que los posicionamientos sociales respecto al Productivismo vs. Decrecentismo son independientes de las otras tradicionales clasificaciones que distinguen entreizquierda y derecha o entre materialismo-postmaterialismo. En discusión de este resultado destacamos el cambio en los sistemas de valores que afecta transversalmente a la sociedades avanzadas. ; This work statistically analyzes the significance of the variable or social dimension called "Productivism vs. degrowth". First, we build the operational definition of the variable from the work of authors who have contributed to Degrowth theory. Next, for the statistical analysis we use data from the World Values Survey (wave 6, 2010-14) and data from the Human Development Report (UNDP, 2014). This allows us also to compare results on Productivism vs. degrowth with Materialism vs. Posmaterialism dimensions. The results show that the variable "Productivism vs. Degrowth" is independent from other traditional classifications that distinguish between "left vs. right ideology" or between "materialism vs. postmaterialism". In discussing this result, we notice that a deep change in the value systems of more advanced societies is taking place.

This work statistically analyzes the significance of the variable or social dimension called "Productivism vs. degrowth". First, we build the operational definition of the variable from the work of authors who have contributed to Degrowth theory. Next, for the statistical analysis we use data from the World Values Survey (wave 6, 2010-14) and data from the Human Development Report (UNDP, 2014). This allows us also to compare results on Productivism vs. degrowth with Materialism vs. Posmaterialism dimensions. The results show that the variable "Productivism vs. Degrowth" is independent from other traditional classifications that distinguish between "left vs. right ideology" or between "materialism vs. postmaterialism". In discussing this result, we notice that a deep change in the value systems of more advanced societies is taking place. ; El presente trabajo analiza estadísticamente el significado de la variable o dimensión social que denominamos Productivismo vs. Decrecentísmo. Construimos su definición operativa a partir del trabajo de los autores que han contribuido a la teoría del decrecimiento. Y para el análisis estadístico de utilizan los datos de la sexta oleada de la Encuesta Mundial de Valores (2010-14) y los datos del informe sobre desarrollo humano (PNUD, 2014). Lo cual permite también establecer comparación con la dimensión Materialismo vs. Postmaterialismo . Los resultados muestran que los posicionamientos sociales respecto al Productivismo vs. Decrecentismo son independientes de las otras tradicionales clasificaciones que distinguen entre izquierda y derecha o entre materialismo-postmaterialismo. En discusión de este resultado destacamos el cambio en los sistemas de valores que afecta transversalmente a las sociedades avanzadas.

La principal finalidad del presente trabajo es comparar dos índices o medidas de xenofobia a través de una investigación de réplica. Tanto el índice elaborado por Díez Nicolás como el de Cea D´Ancona se han aplicado en un cuestionario para encuesta telefónica a residentes en municipios andaluces con alta densidad de extranjeros no comunitarios. Tras un análisis descriptivo, correlacional y explicativo de los resultados, la conclusión obtenida apunta a que ambos índices son altamente similares, a pesar de que parten de principios valorativos, teóricos y metodológicos diferentes. Por consiguiente, la elección de uno u otro índice estará en función del principio de parsimonia o simplicidad.

This article reviews the research on the factors influencing victimization and explores the case of Spain. The first section presents a comparative analysis of the data for 1999 and 2016 in terms of perceptions, profiles and the most significant sociodemographic and socioeconomic variables. The second section shows an explanatory analysis based on multivariate logistical regression models, using as independent variables sociodemographic and psychosocial items, and the dependent variable is whether one is described as one is described as a victim or no in the 2016 survey. The results point towards an explanatory model of victimization in which sociodemographic variables play a less important role, whereas psychosocial variables related to lifestyle and subjective perceptions make a significant contribution to greater understanding of the nature of being the victim of a crime and offer suggestions on how to improve Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED).

This study examines value similarities between deviant youth on the one hand and mainstream society on the other rather than value differences. The classic sociological research on deviance by Matza and Sykes supports this approach, given that their investigations focused more on similarities between subterranean values and the values of normal society. The General Social Survey of Spain (2016) includes 17 indicators for deviant behavior, which is the dependent variable. Likewise, it is used to define social capital and the rest of the different independent variables of the analysis. In conclusion, whereas social capital and social values were absent as causes of juvenile delinquency, the following variables explained significantly the deviant behavior among Spanish youth: tolerance towards deviance, adolescent experience, and sex. This suggests that there are at least two possible keys to improve or avoid the problem of juvenile crime: prevention or awareness programmes and new critical feminist criminology point of view.

Currently, niqabi women are more and more visible, even in traditionally non-Muslim societies. However, there is a deep ignorance with regard to their worldview in general and about them in particular. The aim of this paper, which is based on a research carried out using the Grounded Theory, is to give answer to three fundamental questions: did niqabi women belonging to the Telegram channel Orgullo niqabi choose to become niqabis after experiencing some kind of crisis or existential unease? Has the grouping of these women in said channel contributed to the polarization of their posture on the niqab in some way? Additionally, if that is the case, has said polarization fueled or given rise to some ideology in particular? One of our conclusions, after conducting 27 in-depth interviews, is that most of these women opted for being niqabi and Muslim in response to the existential unease they experienced, which somehow kept them searching for some meaning in their lives. Another interesting aspect we have observed is that these women have reinforced their posture on the niqab, polarizing their perception in a fundamentalist way. Additionally, our third conclusion is that these women are cyber-fundamentalists, given that, besides the reactionary nature of their ideology, they construct it in a modern way.