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The relations between the European Union (EU) and Russia have attained today a pick of tensions since their inception in the 90's and dialogue on European affairs is broadly stagnated. As compared to other member states, especially after the 2004 enlargement, Portugal has maintained neutral or even good relations with Moscow. This paper aims at analyzing the impact of the 2007 Portuguese EU presidency on EU-Russia relations. Although Portugal assumed presidencies earlier, in 1992 and 2000, the 2007 leadership corresponds to a particular strained context that later materialized in a clear degradation of the dialogue with Moscow.https://doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_15_8

Since the end of the Cold War, the EU and Russia have managed to create an original framework for institutionalised cooperation despite asymmetric characteristics. Yet, the way these two main security actors interact has an impact on the (non)-resolution of security issues in Europe, ranging from ''frozen conflicts'' to the discussion of the security architecture. Since the second mandate of President Putin, the relation has been characterised by two paradoxical features. On the one hand, the methodology and the domains of cooperation have reached a high degree of achievement. On the other hand, the political quality of the relationship has deteriorated and it is not able to achieve the desired ''strategic partnership'' that should be based on a common set of values and principles. This article aims to define multilateralism as a paradigm applicable to EU-Russian relations. It examines their relationship in the security and defence realm and the Union's reactions to a new security approach by Russia since the 2008 Medvedev proposal. The article questions how the EU-Russian political dialogue impacts on multilateralism in the security field. The conclusion considers EU-Russian relations as a peculiar multilateral playground addressing common security challenges, which still needs to be developed further in order to be instrumental in the search for collective and legitimate solutions.

Since the resurgence of Russia under Putin's leadership the recurring contestation of NATO's legitimacy has evolved from the rhetoric level to a greater oppositional capacity. The features of the New Strategic Concept of the Atlantic Alliance, being outlined by a group of experts, & the new Russian doctrines guiding its external actions that have been approved in the last two years, do not indicate political convergences. The forthcoming NATO Lisbon summit of November 2010 will have to manage a balance between its legitimacy issues towards the Kremlin that have crystallized in Europe, & the need to cooperate with the Russian giant in the global strategic environment. Adapted from the source document.

The last three years have been marked by a noticeable return of the Russian Federation in the global arena. This phenomenon has been informed by the emergence of serious disputes, impacting on international security. Moscow has been opposing the state-of-play defined by Western actors, namely by NATO. We assess the Russian power & its capacity to shape outcomes in its own most favorable terms. We conclude that several paradoxes inform this evaluation & that the European Union offers the best prospects to engage positively with the new Russia. Adapted from the source document.

The Georgian-Russian conflict in August 2008 underscored the need for the EU to devise a different model of relationship with Moscow. The implications of the conflict have specific European dimensions, in which EU-Russia relations are a cornerstone. The solution to the Georgian crisis is located at two complementary levels: the implementation of the Medvedev-Sarkozy peace plan & the rethinking of the cooperation with the Kremlin. In that sense, there is a need to operationalize a model of "selective cooperation" towards Russia in order to create a more constructive relationship. Adapted from the source document.

Relations between the European Union (EU) and Russia have entered a more difficult era with the 2004 enlargement and the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The three Baltic states are new EU member states that share threat perceptions vis-à-vis Moscow. The article unpacks securitisation processes in the three Republics and how they have evolved after 2004 and 2014, as compared to the previous period of independence initialled in 1991. By exploring discourses, identity formation by strategies of othering and policy changes, we argue that re-securitisation is currently undergoing after a period of softer securitisation in the aftermath of EU accession.

Relations between the European Union (EU) and Russia have entered a more difficult era with the 2004 enlargement and the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The three Baltic states are new EU member states that share threat perceptions vis-à-vis Moscow. The article unpacks securitisation processes in the three Republics and how they have evolved after 2004 and 2014, as compared to the previous period of independence initialled in 1991. By exploring discourses, identity formation by strategies of othering and policy changes, we argue that re-securitisation is currently undergoing after a period of softer securitisation in the aftermath of EU accession. ; Relations between the European Union (EU) and Russia have entered a more difficult era with the 2004 enlargement and the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The three Baltic states are new EU member states that share threat perceptions vis-à-vis Moscow. The article unpacks securitisation processes in the three Republics and how they have evolved after 2004 and 2014, as compared to the previous period of independence initialled in 1991. By exploring discourses, identity formation by strategies of othering and policy changes, we argue that re-securitisation is currently undergoing after a period of softer securitisation in the aftermath of EU accession.