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This book builds a compelling picture of injustices inside immigration detention centers, within the context of the rise of the use of immigration detention in the Global North. The author presents the rarely heard voices of refugees, bringing their perspectives to light and personalising and humanising a global political issue. Based on in-depth interviews with formerly detained refugees who were involved in a wide range of protests, such as sit-ins and non-compliance, hunger strikes, lip sewing, escapes and riots, Human Rights, Refugee Protest and Immigration Detention presents a comprehensive insight into immigration detention and protest. Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault and Hannah Arendt, the book challenges contemporary human rights discourses which institutionalise power and will be a must-read for scholars, advocates and policymakers engaged in debates about immigration detention and forced migration

This book builds a compelling picture of injustices inside immigration detention centers, within the context of the rise of the use of immigration detention in the Global North. The author presents the rarely heard voices of refugees, bringing their perspectives to light and personalising and humanising a global political issue. Based on in-depth interviews with formerly detained refugees who were involved in a wide range of protests, such as sit-ins and non-compliance, hunger strikes, lip sewing, escapes and riots, Human Rights, Refugee Protest and Immigration Detention presents a comprehensive insight into immigration detention and protest. Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault and Hannah Arendt, the book challenges contemporary human rights discourses which institutionalise power and will be a must-read for scholars, advocates and policymakers engaged in debates about immigration detention and forced migration.

Abstract
Refugees spend an average of 17 years living in limbo. This time is usually seen by refugees and scholars as 'lost' or 'wasted' time. Pierre Bourdieu theorized time as critical in accumulating social and cultural capital; foundations of socio-economic status. Families with greater economic capital can provide their offspring with more 'time free from economic necessity', enabling activities that will enhance their status. Time and economic capital are often de-linked by refugee journeys, stripping refugees of economic capital, but leaving an over-abundance of time. This paper uses Bourdieu's work on time and capital to examine how refugees in one community use time during multi-year transit. Based on fieldwork with a single community, this paper argues that, rather than 'wasting' time, members of this community are using refugee time to accumulate social and cultural capital, which some then convert to migration capital and hasten their refugee journeys.

When detainees go on hunger strike or riot or occupy the roofs of detention centres, their actions are usually narrated by governments keen to discredit them and their actions as criminal and manipulative and evidence of their barbarity and difference. A secondary, counter-narration is provided by detainee supporters who explain the actions as evidence of detainees' distress and deteriorating mental health. The voices of the actors themselves, people held in detention and taking protest action, are rarely heard in depth. Drawing on in-depth interviews with refugees formerly held in Australian immigration detention centres, and the works of Hannah Arendt, this article argues that the experience of immigration detention is fundamentally dehumanizing and that while detainee protest was aimed at attaining certain material outcomes, it also served important existential functions. The fact of protest was a rejection of a powerless state, a way for detained refugees to experience their own agency and, with it, restoration of some of the "essential characteristics of human life" and a means to use their reduction to "bare humanity" as a basis for insisting upon a place in the polis. ; Lorsque ceux qui sont détenus s'engagent dans des grèves de faim ou des émeutes, ou encore occupent le toit des centres de détention, leurs actions sont reformulées par des gouvernements, motivés par le désir de les dénigrer, en récits qui mettent en évidence leur prétendue criminalité, leur volonté manipulatrice, leur barbarie et leur différence. Un deuxième courant qui va à l'encontre de ces récits est véhiculé par les sympathisants des détenus, et consiste à montrer que leurs actions découlent de la détresse qu'ils ressentent et de la détérioration de leur santé mentale. Cependant les voix des actants eux-mêmes, notamment ceux qui sont détenus et s'engagent dans des actions de contestation, se font rarement entendre d'une manière significative. En se basant sur des entrevues en profondeur avec des réfugiés détenus antérieurement dans ...

This article draws on testimony from refugees formerly held in Australian immigration detention centres who either participated in or witnessed riots in detention, alongside academic literature examining riots in a range of settings, to elucidate how and why riots happen in immigration detention. The article outlines a model of contextualizing and immediate preconditions for riots and then uses this model to analyse a series of riots which occurred in Australian immigration detention centres between 1999 and 2011. The author proposes that conditions in immigration detention centres almost guarantee riots and that while practices such as arbitrary use of solitary confinement and excessive use of force commonly act as the immediate triggers to riot episodes, the daily regimen of detention produces the preconditions necessary for riots to occur. Adapted from the source document.