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There is increasing sociological interest in formal models of action driven by a calculus of expected utility. We believe these efforts to extend microeconomic models to extraeconomic exchange can benefit from specification of societal constraints on individual choice. One type of constraint locates the actor in an evolving network of social ties that limit opportunities for exchange. Another approach assumes that choices are influenced by unintended outcomes that operate behind the backs of the actors. Considerable progress has been made in the past two years incorporating social structure and unintended consequences into formal models based on individual choice optimization. We critically examine leading contributions to network exchange theory (part 1) and evolutionary models of collective action (part 2), and assess how these and related developments may shape the future of rational choice theory and its place within sociology.

The right-wing PVV and the left-wing SP are seen as populist parties who are fierce ideological adversaries in the Dutch political spectrum. We study the similarities and differences in municipal contexts that explain their electoral success. Results of the 2010 national elections at the municipality level are analyzed for nearly all (N=403) Dutch municipalities. Hypotheses are formulated based on integrated group threat theory and relative deprivation theory. Results indicate similarities but also clear differences in the contexts in which SP and PVV thrive. PVV is more successful in municipalities with more immigrants and a higher average perception of unsafety, SP thrives more under local socioeconomic deprivation.

Local concentration of immigrants and support for the PVV: The effect of the percentage non-western immigrants on the percentage PVV votes, across 246 Dutch municipalities in 2006. In this article we study the effect of the percentage non-western immigrants in a municipality on
the percentage PVV votes at the municipality level, for 246 Dutch municipalities in 2006. Two contradictory hypotheses are tested. Ethnic group competition theory and integrated group threat theory suggest that a higher percentage non-western immigrants is associated with more PVV voting,
whereas from the perspective of intergroup contact theory we derive the expectation of a negative association. We control in the analysis for aggregate characteristics of a municipality, such as characteristics of the age distribution, distribution of educational levels, socio-economic status,
income distribution, number of residents, distribution of religious groups and average perceptions of unsafety. Multivariate regression analyses indicate that a higher percentage non-western immigrants is related to more PVV voting. Moreover, ethnic residential segregation in the municipality
is negatively associated with PVV support, suggesting that it is not a lack of exposure to the ethnic minorities that explains why there is more PVV support in municipalities with more non-western immigrants.

Brings together leading researchers in sociology and psychology to explain human egotism and altruism using not only their area of study but also bringing in research from economics and biology. This book is a response to the quandary. It presents an account of solidarity and prosocial behavior

Research on the influence of the number of ethnic minority group classmates on majority group students' interethnic attitudes produced conflicting results. With data from 728 early adolescents, we found that the effect of the ethnic class composition depends on two opposing student-level mechanisms. First, majority group students who liked a larger number of minority group classmates developed more positive attitudes toward minority groups. Second, students who disliked a larger number of outgroup classmates developed more negative outgroup attitudes. In our sample, these two effects neutralized each other because the sample consisted of about the same number of students that liked most of their outgroup classmates and students that disliked most outgroup classmates. Results were consistent in cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses. These results support a new interpretation of the mixed findings in past research, suggesting that past studies may have differed in the number of students who liked and disliked outgroup classmates.

Do strong demographic faultlines breed opinion polarization in work teams? We integrate two theories that have been used to explain faultline effects. The first, the approach of Lau and Murnighan [Lau DC, Murnighan JK (1998) Demographic diversity and faultlines: The compositional dynamics of organizational groups. Acad. Management Rev. 23(2):325–340], suggests that in teams with strong faultlines the mechanisms of homophilous selection of interaction partners and persuasive influence cause subgroup polarization, defined as the split of the team into subgroups holding opposing opinions. The second, from sociological and anthropological traditions, emphasizes that crisscrossing actors bridge faultlines because they share demographic attributes with several subgroups. Demographically crisscrossing actors help to prevent polarization in social groups. We argue that Lau and Murnighan's theory implicitly factors in the effects of crisscrossing actors. However, we show that the authors overlooked crucial implications of their theory because they did not consider crisscrossing actors explicitly. Most importantly, we demonstrate that demographic crisscrossing implies that even teams with strong faultlines will overcome polarization in the long run, although they might suffer from it in the short term. We develop and analyze a formal computational model of the opinion and network dynamics in work teams to show the consistency of our reasoning with Lau and Murnighans' theory. The model also revealed another counterintuitive effect: strong faultlines lead to structures of interaction that make teams with strong faultlines faster in arriving at a stable consensus than teams with weak faultlines.

AbstractWe develop a model of strategic network formation of collaborations to analyze the consequences of an understudied but consequential form of heterogeneity: differences between actors in the form of their production functions. We also address how this interacts with resource heterogeneity, as a way to measure the impact actors have as potential partners on a collaborative project. Some actors (e.g., start-up firms) may exhibit increasing returns to their investment into collaboration projects, while others (e.g., established firms) may face decreasing returns. Our model provides insights into how actor heterogeneity can help explain well-observed collaboration patterns. We show that if there is a direct relation between increasing returns and resources, start-ups exclude mature firms and networks become segregated by types of production function, portraying dominant group architectures. On the other hand, if there is an inverse relation between increasing returns and resources, networks portray core-periphery architectures, where the mature firms form a core and start-ups with low-resources link to them.

Immigrants who strongly identify with the host country have more native friends than immigrants with weaker host country identification. However, the mechanisms underlying this correlation are not well understood. Immigrants with strong host country identification might have stronger preferences for native friends, or they might be more often chosen as friends by natives. In turn, having native friends or friends with strong host country identification might increase immigrants' host country identification. Using longitudinal network data of 18 Dutch school classes, we test these hypotheses with stochastic actor-oriented models. We find that immigrants' host country identification affects friendship selections of natives but not of immigrants. We find no evidence of social influence processes.