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In Morals and Medicine a leading Protestant theologian comes to grips with the problems of conscience raised by new advances in medical science and technology. They arise as issues at the start or making of a life, in preserving its health, and in facing its death. They are the problems of Everyman: some are new problems of conscience, such as artificial insemination; some are old problems in new dimensions, such as euthanasia. Modern medicine provides such a high degree of control over health and vital processes that men must inevitably shoulder the burden of intelligent decision, and shoulder it as rationally as possible. Thus far, only Roman Catholic moralists have worked out a coherent ethics of medical care. Morals and Medicine is a new and independent analysis of the morals of life and death, striking out along the line of the values of personality rather than of mere physiological life itself. It offers a modern and at the same time Christian concept of right and wrong for all who are involved: the patient, the doctor and nurse, the pastor, and the family and friends.Originally published in 1979.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905

Through the recording of response times in a national four‐wave bilingual panel survey, this study reports improvements in the prediction of vote choice up to 1 year in advance of a federal election. These results were achieved with conventional computer‐assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) software, indicating that the immediate use of response time measures isboth practical and attractive for commercial as well as academic survey units. Even so, response latencies were found to be sensitive to political circumstance, such that timings should be analyzed separately for minority and majority populations. Moreover, a broad analytic focus, beyond timing only vote intention and partisan commitment, is recommended because latency data on core questions of identity and allegiance reveal a great deal about the contours ofpolitical context.

Plusiers travaux de recherche sur le comportement électoral canadien ont démontré la faiblesse des effets de la classe sociale sur le vote. Cet article se sert des données de toutes les enquêtes nationales électorates (national election studies) entre les années 1965 et 1984. II cherche à illuminer les rapports statistiques entre d'une part l'appui electoral pour le parti néo‐démocrate et d'autre part l'éducation et le statut socio‐professionel. L'analyse multivariable des données suggère que la faiblesse du rapport classe‐vote s'explique à la fois par les effets contraires des variables culturelles (éducation) et économiques (statut socio‐professionel) et par la façon dont ces effets, qui sont differents dans les cinq régions du pays, se mêlent et se fondent quand on les examine à l'échelle du pays entier. Nos résultats indiquent qu'au Québec et dans les provinces de l'est, il y a une politique de classe basée sur l'éducation, tandis qu'en Ontario et dans les provinces de l'ouest, c'est une politique de classe plus conventionnelle qui prime. Cette étude révèle l'importance d'analyser les divers éléments des programmes électoraux des partis pour une comprehénsion exacte de leur bases sociales dans l'électorat.In an effort to clarity the typical finding of weak class effects on voting in Canada, this article uses data from all the national election studies between 1965 and 1984 in a multivariate investigation of the relations between education, occupation and vote. The major finding is that there are cross‐cutting regional effects for education and occupation on vote for the New Democratic Party (NDP) which effectively obscure one another when viewed from a national perspective. Log‐linear analyses reveal a class politics based on education in Quebec and Atlantic Canada whereas in Ontario, the Prairies and B.C. we find evidence of a more conventional class politics based on occupation. The implications of these findings for understanding the overall pattern of electoral politics in Canada are

It has often been suggested that participation in politics has an "educative" effect on the outlook of the participants (cf. Pateman, 1970). This claim is examined with particular reference to basic attitudes toward civil liberties utilizing data from the Attitudes Toward Civil Liberties in Canada project. The central finding of the paper is that a person's values and level of participation interact in a fashion consistent with the educative-effect hypothesis. Statistical models are presented showing that the role of basic values in making judgements about civil liberties issues varies (in both degree and kind) with the extent of political involvement, just as with education. Close examination of the relative importance of political involvement and education reveals that while education is the more important of the two in promoting support for civil liberties, participation has an important additional effect among those who are highly educated.

Canadian survey data are used to compare the attitudes of the general population & decisionmakers (N = 2,084 & 1,348, respectively) toward civil liberties, with focus on the issue of wiretapping. Findings indicate that this presents an important exception to the familiar theory of democratic elitism. Ironically, the very sophistication & knowledge that lead elites to support individual rights & freedoms also make them more likely than the Canadian population as a whole to support wiretapping. 6 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 19 References. Modified AA

Based on data from a national survey on attitudes toward civil liberties. With reference to the debate regarding the activities of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS).

Abstract. Canada's military engagement in Afghanistan continues to figure highly in the public consciousness, spurring debate on perceived progress and the public's willingness to bear casualties. Despite the many political considerations at play, there is an emotional core to the issue that is often overlooked. In an earlier paper we found public support for the Afghanistan mission to depend in large part on emotive responses, although our analysis was restricted by the limited number of emotional indicators in the data (Fletcher et al., 2009). In this paper, we investigate a broader range of emotional influences on attitudes toward the mission through the use of field research on the Highway of Heroes and experimental framing of casualty-based imagery with student samples. Our findings reveal that Canadians' emotional responses to the repatriation of fallen soldiers reflect a distinctive composite of sadness and pride; the consequence of which is to undercut support for Canada's traditional peacekeeping role, a position negatively related to support for the Afghan mission. When compared with studies conducted in the US (Gartner, 2008a, 2011; and Huddy et al., 2007) our findings suggest some ways in which Canadians and Americans form distinct emotional communities (Rosenwein, 2006) in reactions to war.Résumé. L'engagement militaire du Canada en Afghanistan demeure un sujet important dans l'esprit du public en alimentant les nombreux débats entourant les progrès sur le terrain et l'acceptation des pertes militaires. Malgré les nombreux angles d'analyse utilisés pour investiguer ce sujet, il est rare que la dimension émotionnelle soit étudiée directement. Dans un article publié précédemment, nos résultats indiquèrent que l'appui populaire pour la mission canadienne en Afghanistan dépendait largement des réponses émotives associées à cette dernière (Fletcher, Bastedo et Hove, 2009). Toutefois, cette analyse se trouvait restreinte par le nombre limité d'indicateurs émotionnels disponibles. Cet article comble cette lacune en étudiant un ensemble élargi d'influences émotionnelles sur les attitudes envers la mission militaire afghane. Pour ce faire, nous avons effectué une recherche de terrain sur l'Autoroute des héros ainsi qu'une expérience en laboratoire sur un échantillon d'étudiants. Nos résultats révèlent que l'exposition à des images montrant des soldats canadiens tombés au combat provoque des réponses émotionnelles mêlant tristesse et fierté. L'effet de cette réaction serait d'affaiblir l'appui pour un rôle de maintien de la paix traditionnellement joué par le Canada et, par le fait même, de renforcer l'appui pour la mission afghane. Lorsque l'on compare nos résultats aux études effectuées à ce sujet aux États-Unis (Gartner, 2008a, 2011; and Huddy et al., 2007), nos conclusions suggèrent que les Canadiens et les Étatsuniens forment des communautés émotionnelles (Rosenwein, 2006) distinctes lorsqu'il est question de leurs réactions à la guerre.