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L'essor rapide des BRICs et leur poids croissant dans l'économie mondiale constituent une donnée nouvelle de la réalité d'aujourd'hui. L'auteur s'interroge sur la capacité qu'ont ces économies émergentes de nouer des relations de coopération avec les pays les plus pauvres afin de les aider à surmonter les obstacles à leur développement. Au-delà de leur singularité propre, ces nouveaux pays dynamiques peuvent-ils proposer un autre modèle de coopération au développement aux autres pays du Sud différent de celui pratiqué par les pays du Nord ?

The basic insight of the literature concerning the Median Voter Theorem and its applications, dating back to Black (1948), is that the policies implemented by di¤erent parties once in o¢ce should approach the median voter's preferred policy if they run in a single-dimensional and democratic electoral space. This strong prediction has been challenged in recent years using arguments related to the observation that usually the political spaces concern much more than one single dimension and that, once we consider such a space, the Median Voter Theorem cannot be applied. Our idea is that one can challenge the median voter predictions even if we keep considering just one single dimension. Infect also in electoral competitions characterized by a very important issue seen by voters as "salient" is almost impossible to observe in reality the convergence predicted by the Black's theorem. In the present model we introduce a simple assumption over the process of opinions' formation of the voters and we show as in equilibrium strategic considerations lead the parties to choose polarized platforms.

The basic insight of the literature concerning the Median Voter Theorem and its applications, dating back to Black (1948), is that the policies implemented by di¤erent parties once in o¢ce should approach the median voter's preferred policy if they run in a single-dimensional and democratic electoral space. This strong prediction has been challenged in recent years using arguments related to the observation that usually the political spaces concern much more than one single dimension and that, once we consider such a space, the Median Voter Theorem cannot be applied. Our idea is that one can challenge the median voter predictions even if we keep considering just one single dimension. Infect also in electoral competitions characterized by a very important issue seen by voters as "salient" is almost impossible to observe in reality the convergence predicted by the Black's theorem. In the present model we introduce a simple assumption over the process of opinions' formation of the voters and we show as in equilibrium strategic considerations lead the parties to choose polarized platforms.

Strikes are totally inefficient from an economic point of view. They occur when the two parties that bargain over a contract do not find an agreement and the result is a loss of utility for both. In spite of their clear inefficiency in the real world strikes are very common both in the rich economies as well as in the poor countries. Moreover, recent empirical literature found some regularities over time and over countries regarding the strike behavior of the Trade Unions. The aim of this paper is to develop a theory that could explain this apparent economic paradox as well as some of the most known regularities. At the same time we also aim to link the analysis of the strikes with the investment decisions of employers and workers in that particular kind of capital good known as Human Capital. This kind of approach can put under a new light the role played by the Trade Unions in the process of economic growth.

This paper examines how socio-economic characteristics, changes in the technology of political communication and their interactions affect the sentiments of the electorate and favor the spread of populist ideas in Europe. Using both European-wide and national surveys we find a significant association between exposure to online political activity and diffusion of populist ideas such as Euroscepticism only among less educated and economically vulnerable individuals. We also show that it is not the use of the internet per se that matters but the specific use of social networks for political activity.

This volume brings together new contributions from academic economists and political scienists as well as experts from the United Nations. It calls for a more integrated policy approach and studies the processes which lead to explosion of civil strife

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on bloomsburycollections.com. This book studies the processes which lead to explosion of civil strife and tries to spell out the policy options available to address the challenges faced by post-conflict economies. It calls for a more integrated policy approach which can gradually repair trust in public institutions as it addresses the vulnerabilities and grievances that helped start the process. Usually, such societies do not have the luxury of meeting the goals of security, reconciliation and development in a measured or sequenced manner: to avoid an immediate return to violence they must begin the recovery process on all fronts simultaneously.

AbstractFollowing a period of strong growth across all developing regions during the first decade of the millennium and a rapid rebound from the 2008 financial crisis, a combination of falling commodity prices, increasing financial market volatility and weak global demand has negatively affected growth performance in recent years. This growth slowdown has exposed the absence of structural transformation in many developing countries even under robust growth conditions. As a result, increasing attention has turned to the trade and industrialization opportunities offered by participation in global value chains (GVCs). However, while the evidence suggests a positive association between participation in GVCs and increased exports and inward FDI flows, evidence on their supporting structural transformation is weak. This paper discusses strategic approaches to participation in GVCs as part of a broader development agenda. In particular, it focuses on the opportunities offered by regional value chains (RVCs) and South‐South cooperation and examines the role of industrial policy, with reference to the case of Southern Africa.