Unatoč neupitnoj povezanosti stavova i ponašanja, velik broj teoretičara slaže se da stavove o političkom nasilju i sudjelovanje u političkom nasilju ne treba izjednačavati. Ipak, ranija istraživanja nisu se eksplicitno bavila empirijskom provjerom valjanosti tog izjednačavanja u kontekstu radikalizacije. Stoga je cilj ovog rada bio provjeriti koliko je precizno moguće temeljem stavova o političkom nasilju razlikovati sudionike političkog nasilja od osoba koje u političkom nasilju ne sudjeluju. Analize su provedene na skupu podataka prikupljenom u sklopu projekta MyPLACE krajem 2012. i početkom 2013. na mladima (N = 16935) iz četrnaest europskih država, uključujući Hrvatsku. Nakon uparivanja sudionika s ciljem eliminacije potencijalnih izvora pristranosti u procjenama, rezultati su potvrdili da obje mjere stava o političkom nasilju – opravdavanje političkog nasilja i percipirana efikasnost političkog nasilja – pružaju značajan i neovisan doprinos objašnjavanju varijance sudjelovanja u političkom nasilju. Međutim, temeljem spomenutih varijabli oko trećine sudionika bilo je pogrešno klasificirano glede stvarnog sudjelovanja u političkom nasilju, čime je i empirijski potvrđena važnost zasebnog istraživanja kognitivne i bihevioralne radikalizacije, kao i opravdanost razlikovanja između stavova i ponašanja u kontekstu političkog nasilja.
This case study is based on our work within the Measuring Youth Well-Being FP7 EU project in (a) developing a research design for cross-cultural cognitive interviews for testing a survey's well-being questions with young children (aged 7 and 8), (b) coordinating fieldwork in six countries, and (c) conducting these interviews in Croatia. This case study describes the main issues and challenges in developing research designs, as well as obstacles and strategies implemented during cross-country fieldwork. More specifically, this case study discusses (a) the main elements of research design, (b) obtaining ethical approval and parental consent, (c) fieldwork experiences regarding children's reactions and behavior during cognitive interviews, (d) duration and context of interviews, and (e) strengths and weaknesses of the applied study protocols and probes. We believe that this case study will be useful to those who wish to use cognitive interviews with children for testing survey questions regardless of survey topics.
This edited volume presents findings from a major cross-European research project mapping the civic and political engagement of young Europeans in the context of both shared and diverse political heritages. Drawing on new survey, interview and ethnographic data, the authors discuss substantive issues relating to young people's attitudes and activism including: attitudes to the European Union and to history; understanding of political ideologies; how attitudes to democracy are shaped by political heritage; activism in radical right wing groups and religion-based organisations; and digital activism. These contributions make the book's case that transnational and multi-method projects can enrich our understanding of how young people envisage their place and role in Europe's political and civic space. The book challenges methodological assumptions that survey research shows the big picture but at the cost of local nuance or that qualitative research cannot speak beyond the individual case, and demonstrates the added explanatory value of triangulating different kinds of data. Understanding Youth Participation Across Europe will be of interest to students and scholars across a range of disciplines, including Sociology, Political Sociology, Youth Studies and Political and Civic Participation.
With much unknown about the new coronavirus, the scientific consensus is that human hosts are crucial to its spread and reproduction—the more people behave like regular socializing beings they are, the more likely it is that the virus will propagate. Hence, many nations worldwide have mandated physical-distancing measures. In the current preregistered research, we focus on examining two factors that may help explain differences in adherence to COVID-19 preventive behaviors and policy support across different countries—political orientation and analytic thinking. We positioned our research within the dual-process framework of human reasoning and investigated the role of cognitive reflection, open-minded thinking, and political ideology in determining COVID-19 responsible behavior (physical distancing and maintaining hygiene) and support for restrictive COVID-19 policies on a sample of 12,490 participants from 17 countries. We have not been able to detect substantial relationships of political orientation with preventive behaviors and policy support, and overall found no reliable evidence of politicization, nor polarization regarding the issue. The results of structural equation modeling showed that the inclination towards COVID-19 preventive measures and their endorsement were defined primarily by the tendency of open-minded thinking. Specifically, open-minded thinking was shown to be a predictor of all three criteria—avoiding physical contact, maintaining physical hygiene, and supporting COVID-19 restrictive mitigation policies. Cognitive reflection was predictive of lesser adherence to stricter hygiene and only very weakly predictive of lesser policy support. Furthermore, there was no evidence of these effects varying across political contexts. The mediation analysis suggested a partial mediation effect of COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs on the relationships of open-mindedness and cognitive reflection with physical distancing (but not adherence to stricter hygiene) and COVID-19 policy support, albeit very small and ...
Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in institutions, we examine the predictability of trust in political institutions and trust in non-political national institutions in explain voting and protest forms of citizen participation in politics, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data of the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2018). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater confidence in political institutions is associated with more frequent electoral participation and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in non-political institutions is only associated with less propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied by greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with a tendency to protest. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the independent positive contribution of trust in political institutions to voting. We discuss the results in the context of the high association between the two forms of political trust in Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of citizen participation in politics. ; Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u političke institucije i povjerenja u nepolitičke nacionalne institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te protestnih oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podacima petog vala Europske studije vrednota - ESV (European Values Study - EVS, 2018). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja ukazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u političke institucije povezano s češćom izbornom participacijom, a manjom sklonošću prosvjednog sudjelovanja, dok je povjerenje u nepolitičke institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana, te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem, te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u političke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima, te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i protestnog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici.
Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u političke institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije i povjerenja u provedbene institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te prosvjednog sudjelovanja, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podatcima petog vala Europskog istraživanja vrednota – EIV (European Values Study – EVS, 2017). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja pokazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u vladu i predstavničke institucije povezano s češćim glasanjem te manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju, dok je povjerenje u provedbene institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i prosvjednog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika političkog sudjelovanja. ; Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in political institutions, the paper examines trust in the government and representative institutions and trust in executive institutions as predictors of voting and protest participation, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data from the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2017). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater trust in government and representative institutions is associated with more frequent voting and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in executive institutions is only associated with a lower propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied with greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with the propensity for protest participation. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the trust in government and representative institutions as a unique positive predictor of voting. The results are discussed in view of the high association between the two forms of political trust in the Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of political participation.
Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u političke institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije i povjerenja u provedbene institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te prosvjednog sudjelovanja, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podatcima petog vala Europskog istraživanja vrednota – EIV (European Values Study – EVS, 2017). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja pokazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u vladu i predstavničke institucije povezano s češćim glasanjem te manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju, dok je povjerenje u provedbene institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i prosvjednog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika političkog sudjelovanja.
Cilj projekta Razvoja kohortnog longitudinalnog istraživanja (ECDP), financiranog u okviru OBZOR2020 programa Europske Komisije je razviti konkretne modele nove europske istraživačke infrastrukture za koordinaciju budućeg velikog europskog kohortnog 25 godišnjeg longitudinalnog istraživanja o dobrobiti djece i mladih. ECDP projekt usmjeren je na uspostavljanje uspješne istraživačke infrastrukture i budućeg EuroCohort istraživanja kroz: (a) razvijanje podrške među ključnim donositeljima politika te nacionalnim agencijama zaduženima za financiranje istraživačkih infrastruktura i anketnih prikupljanja podataka; (b) razvijanje znanstveno izvrsnog nacrta budućeg longitudinalnog anketnog istraživanja ; te (c) uspostavljanje stabilnog operativnog okvira koji jamči logističku opstojnost budućeg EuroCohort istraživanja. Cilj jedne dionice projekta je oformiti savjetodavnu grupu djece (CYPAG) te kroz fokusne grupe utvrditi dječju perspektivu o dobrobiti, što im znači riječ "dobrobit", što pod tim pojmom podrazumijevaju, kao i njihovo razumijevanje etičkih pitanja u longitudinalnim istraživanjima dobrobiti djece. S dvadesetak djece, starosti od 10 do 15 godina, predstavnicima različitih posebno angažiranih skupina djece u različitim područjima od tehničkih, sportskih do prirodoslovnih i društvenih, odnosno djece uključene u nacionalne i lokalne relevantne organizacije, djece iz vijeća učenika, djece iz dječjeg gradskog vijeća, djece iz relevantnih nevladinih organizacija, te djece uključene u sportske organizacije, održane su tri fokusne grupe. Dio djece pripada skupinama kao što su: djeca iz manjinskih skupina, djeca rastavljenih roditelja, djeca iz jednoroditeljskih obitelji, djeca iz udomiteljskih obitelji, djeca s poteškoćama, djeca s kroničnim bolestima, te djeca koja žive u siromaštvu. Prikazani su rezultati kvalitativnog istraživanja o tome kako djeca doživljavaju različite aspekte dobrobiti i što smatraju najvažnijim čimbenicima koji utječu na njihovu dobrobit, kako bi se prema njihovom mišljenju trebala izvoditi longitudinalna istraživanja dobrobiti djece te kako uključiti djecu u longitudinalna istraživanja dobrobiti, koja ih etička pitanja u provođenju longitudinalnih istraživanja s djecom najviše brinu i kako bi ih oni riješili. Dobiveni rezultati pokazuju da djeca i mladi svojim razumijevanjem dobrobiti te načinom naglašavanja važnosti vođenja računa o privatnosti i pravima djece i mladih kao sudionika znanstvenih istraživanja mogu značajno doprinijeti kvaliteti istraživanja dobrobiti, stoga ih je iznimno važno i korisno uključiti aktivno u planiranje i provođenje longitudinalnog istraživanja dobrobiti djece i mladih. ; The European Cohort Development Project (ECDP) is financed from the European Union's Horizon 2020 programme to create specific models for a European Research Infrastructure that will provide, over the next 25 years, comparative longitudinal survey data on child and young adult well-being. The infrastructure developed by ECDP will subsequently coordinate the first Europe wide cohort survey, named EuroCohort. This will be achieved through the following three objectives: (a) building support from key political policymakers with a brief which covers child well-being as well as national funding agencies tasked with infrastructural spending on science and survey data collection; (b) developing a scientifically excellent research design; (c) establishing a robust operation al framework that will ensure the logistic integrity of EuroCohort. The aim of one section of the project is to set up a Children and Young People's Advisory Groups (CYPAG) and to identify, through focus groups, a children's perspective on well-being, examine the meaning of the word 'well-being', as well as gather information of their understanding of ethical issues in longitudinal research on child well-being. Three focus group were conducted with about 20 children, in the age between 10 and 15, representatives from various fields of specially engaged groups of children, including technical, sports, science and social field, children involved in national and local relevant organizations, children from student councils, children from children's city council, children from relevant nongovernmental organizations and also children involved in sports organizations. Some of the children belong to groups such as minorities, children of divorced parents, children from single-parent families, children from foster families, children with disabilities, children with chronic illnesses, and children living in poverty. The results of a qualitative study are presented on how children experience different aspects of well-being, what they consider to be the most important factors affecting their well-being, how in their opinion longitudinal studies of child well-being should be conducted, how to include children in longitudinal studies of well-being, what ethical issues are they most concerned with within longitudinal research with children and how they can be addressed. The results show that children and young people, through their understanding of well-being and by emphasizing the importance of taking into account the privacy and rights of children and young people as participants in scientific research, can significantly contribute to the quality of well-being research, so it is extremely important and useful to involve them actively in planning and conducting a longitudinal study of the well-being of children and young people.
This survey was funded from the European Commission's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme, Grant Agreement no. 693221 as part of the PROMISE project and was administered by the University of Tartu, Estonia. It covers various areas of societal and political participation, conflict/support experiences, efficacy, and selected values of young and adult people in ten European countries, with a short standardized questionnaire being used to collect reports on perceptions, attitudes and behaviours. The survey was administered using a central survey server at the Universtity of Tartu and used samples recruited from various standing online panels in the participating countries, i.e. effectively a quota sampling design was employed. Young persons in the age bracket 15-29 years were oversampled to achieve a realized case count of at least 600 such persons in each country. More information on http://www.promise.manchester.ac.uk/en/home-page/
To understand recent anti-refugee protests in Europe, we examined how different levels of inclusiveness of group identities (national, European, and global) are related to intentions to protest among native Europeans. We focused on the mediating role of autochthony (a belief that the first inhabitants of a territory are more entitled) and the moderating role of threat. Survey data from 11 European countries (N = 1,909) showed that national identification was positively associated with autochthony, and therefore, with the intention to protest against refugees. In contrast, global identification was related to lower protest intentions via lower autochthony. These paths were found only among Europeans who perceived refugees as a threat. European identification was not related to the endorsement of autochthony or to collective action. These findings indicate why and when majority members are willing to participate in collective action against refugees, and underscore the importance of global identification in the acceptance of refugees.
To understand recent anti‐refugee protests in Europe, we examined how different levels of inclusiveness of group identities (national, European, and global) are related to intentions to protest among native Europeans. We focused on the mediating role of autochthony (a belief that the first inhabitants of a territory are more entitled) and the moderating role of threat. Survey data from 11 European countries (N = 1,909) showed that national identification was positively associated with autochthony, and therefore, with the intention to protest against refugees. In contrast, global identification was related to lower protest intentions via lower autochthony. These paths were found only among Europeans who perceived refugees as a threat. European identification was not related to the endorsement of autochthony or to collective action. These findings indicate why and when majority members are willing to participate in collective action against refugees, and underscore the importance of global identification in the acceptance of refugees.
