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ABSTRACTAs more universities view students as customers and as more critics accuse universities of political bias, it is important to learn how students respond to professors' politics. Does a politically active professor make a course more or less appealing? In this experiment, I randomly presented descriptions of course instructors to current university students and asked them to describe their appeal. Subjects expressed greater interest in professors who were politically ambiguous or whose politics matched their own. Conservative professors were more polarizing than liberal professors, and liberal students rejected conservative professors more than they preferred liberal professors. Based on these results, political neutrality is the safest bet for attracting a broad set of students, especially when a professor is conservative.

Recent protests on university campuses have inspired conservative claims that liberals allow partisanship to color their judgement of disorderly activists. Prior research suggests, however, that both ideologies are prone to political bias. Furthermore, because conservatives are typically more concerned with orderliness and authority, there are theoretical reasons to expect conservatives to respond more forcefully to protests than liberals, especially when those protesters are political opponents. Using an experimental design with two samples, one with Mechanical Turk participants and the other with current college students, the study finds support for the hypotheses that (1) conservatives are more punitive towards protesters than liberals, (2) both ideologies are more likely to punish when protesters are their political opponents, and (3) conservatives' responses to protesters are more sensitive to their ideology than liberals'. These results support recent studies of the psychology of political ideology and punitiveness.

Residents of school districts with large percentages of vacation properties have the opportunity to export a portion of their school taxes onto the owners of those vacation properties. Those property owners are unlikely to consume educational services or have the opportunity to vote against local school taxes. Previous studies address exportation of taxes onto vacation property owners and the effects on local government budgets generally but not on education finances specifically. This study connects research on rates of vacation properties with that on local education finances by using data from the state of Georgia in 2010 and weighted least squares regression analysis to show that high percentages of vacation properties do indeed result in larger local school expenditures.

Historically, strong teacher unions have been successful at gaining benefits and security for their members, but they have been put on the defensive by recent proposals for education reform. Charter schools are one such reform that could threaten unions, but there is wide variety in the content of state charter school laws. Using state-level data from 3 different years, I find that the stronger a state's teacher union, the more antiunion provisions a state's charter school law will contain. These results suggest that antiunion sentiment has reached a level high enough to overcome the unions' ability to influence policy on this issue.

ABSTRACTThis article addresses three related questions. Does voicing a political ideology in class make a professor less appealing to students? Does voicing an ideology in class make a professor less appealing to students with opposing views? Does the intensity of professors' ideology affect their appeal? We conducted survey experiments in two public national universities to provide evidence of the extent to which students may tolerate or even prefer that professors share their political views and under which conditions these preferences may vary. Results from the experiments indicate that expressing a political opinion did not make a professor less appealing to students—and, in fact, made the professor more appealing to some students—but the perception that a professor's ideology is particularly intense makes the class much less favorable for students with opposing views. Students are indifferent between moderately political and nonpolitical professors.

AbstractThe literature on unintended consequences of economic sanctions is well developed, but few studies have addressed terrorism in target states, and none have assessed whether that terrorism becomes more effective when sanctions are in place. In this study, we test whether economic sanctions lead to an increase in the lethality of terrorism. Using data from multiple sources, we find that while sanctions are unrelated to the rate of success of terrorist attacks, they are positively associated with the number of fatalities resulting from terrorist attacks. These findings further the need for policymakers to consider the consequences sanctions have on the target country populace.

Abstract
Building on research about political determinants of migration attitudes, this study examines whether public opinion is influenced by the potential political participation of migrants themselves. We use the opportunity presented by the recent increase in the number of US citizens moving from Puerto Rico to the mainland to investigate how partisanship and political calculations shape attitudes toward their migration. Using data from an online survey experiment in early 2020, we find partisan differences in support for Puerto Rican migration. Democrats were significantly more likely than Republicans and independents to support Puerto Rican migration to the mainland in the aftermath of recent natural disasters, while Republicans were more likely to support Puerto Ricans returning home for the rebuilding process. The partisan divide was exacerbated when respondents were given additional information about the voting eligibility of Puerto Ricans and the possibility that their votes could help a Democratic presidential candidate win the state of Florida in the 2020 election. Specifically, Republicans who received this information were significantly less likely than all other respondents, including Republicans in the control group, to support Puerto Rican migration to the mainland USA. Findings on several related variables also show significant partisan differences, though treatment effects are less pronounced. Although further research is necessary to determine whether similar patterns hold in situations where migrants are not immediately eligible to vote or perceived as supporting one side, this study provides initial evidence that strategic partisan calculations can influence attitudes toward migration in a competitive political context.