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Tehnološka je promjena jedna od najvažnijih sila koje oblikuju moderno društvo.‎ Koje perspektive postoje za razumijevanje tehnoloških promjena, prije‎ svega iz kuta političke ekonomije? U prvom se dijelu rada daje osnovni pregled ‎debata koje su oblikovale to znanstveno područje, počevši s klasičnom‎ britanskom političkom ekonomijom devetnaestog stoljeća. Liberalni politički‎ ekonomisti tog razdoblja i njihovi kritičari vidjeli su u pitanju strojeva prvorazredan ‎izazov tadašnjem britanskom društvu, prije svega kada je riječ o problemu ‎tehnološke nezaposlenosti. U drugom dijelu rad se okreće neoklasičnoj‎ ekonomiji i njenim konceptualnim alatima za razumijevanje tehnologije. Usto ‎se bavi i kritikama neoklasičnog pristupa, od kojih je najrelevantnija Schumpeterova. ‎U trećem se dijelu daje pregled suvremene literature o učinku digitalnih ‎tehnologija. Posebno mjesto zauzima teza o tehnološkoj promjeni koja ‎različito utječe na različite segmente tržišta rada, nagrađujući one koji imaju ‎vještine komplementarne digitalnoj tehnologiji, a kažnjavajući one koji takve‎ vještine nemaju.‎

Jedna od bolje utvrđenih činjenica hrvatske politike jest geografska podjela na sjeverozapadni dio zemlje koji glasa za lijeve opcije i jugoistočni dio zemlje koji glasa za desne opcije. Hrvatska u tom pogledu nije iznimka s obzirom na to da više zemalja u regiji i šire dijeli isto obilježje geografskog grupiranja različitih vrsta političkih identiteta. koji bi dugoročni faktori mogli objasniti taj prostorni raspored, podjelu zemlje na "crvenu" i "crnu" Hrvatsku? Ovaj rad koristi kvantitativnu analizu podataka na razini geografski definiranih jedinica kako bi istražio efekt triju grupa faktora: (1) razvojnog naslijeđa socijalističke Jugoslavije kakvo je ono bilo u trenutku raspada te države, (2) dubokih strukturnih, ekonomskih i demografskih promjena koje su se dogodile od kraja socijalističke Jugoslavije do danas i (3) dugoročnog naslijeđa Drugog svjetskog rata (1941-1945) i Domovinskog rata (1991-1995).

Ovaj rad daje kritički pregled Moderne monetarne teorije (MMT). Riječ je o pristupu ekonomskoj politici koji naglasak stavlja na autonomnu ulogu države, na njen monopolni položaj u sferi izdavanja novca te na mogućnost države da osigura punu zaposlenost kroz program zajamčenog zaposlenja. Rad iznosi glavne teorijske i policy elemente MMT-a, a zatim prikazuje glavne kritike koje se upućuju MMT-u iz liberalne, kejnzijanske i marksističke perspektive. Osim toga, ovaj rad raspravlja i mogućnost da periferne zemlje, poput Hrvatske, primijene ekonomske alate koje preporuča MMT. S obzirom na to da je MMT prešao s terena relativno marginalnih akademskih debata na teren šire političke javnosti, može se očekivati da će utjecati na ekonomsku agendu u narednim godinama.

According to welfare chauvinism, access to the welfare state should be reserved for the native population, whereas immigrants are seen as a drain on resources. The curious aspect of welfare chauvinism in Europe is that it is more prevalent in the East. Why is this the case? This article uses the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Life in Transition Survey (LITS) in order to locate the most robust individual-level determinants of welfare chauvinism for countries of both Eastern and Western Europe. The results suggest that there is no support for the socioeconomic explanation of welfare chauvinism. There is support for the cultural capital explanation of welfare chauvinism, but only for Western Europe. Finally, there is support for the theory that higher levels of trust lessen the likelihood that a person adopts welfare chauvinism. This finding holds for both Eastern and Western Europe.

This special issue ofNationalities Paperspresents an attempt to provide a fresh perspective on Serbia's and Yugoslavia's "antibureaucratic revolution" of 1988 and 1989. The 30th anniversary of this turbulent episode provides an opportunity to rethink our interpretation and offer a new appraisal of the event as well as open several new avenues of potentially productive research. This special issue builds on older research (Vladisavljević 2004, 2008; Vujačić 1996, 2003) and is part of a series of more recent as well upcoming contributions (Musić 2016; Musić forthcoming; Archer et al. 2016; Grdešić 2016; Grdešić forthcoming; Vujačić 2017; Archer and Musić 2017). Given the complexity of the event, the contributions collected here cannot exhaust all of the antibureaucratic revolution's many facets. We do, however, hope that these contributions cover some of the main lacunae in the scholarship published so far. We also hope that this special issue will spark researchers to turn to this immensely interesting and deeply important event.

AbstractMost scholarship on Serbia's antibureaucratic revolution of the late 1980s has emphasized elite actors while ignoring the motivations of ordinary participants. How do ordinary people describe their involvement? Moreover, given the antibureaucratic revolution's dark side—such as exclusionary nationalism and political authoritarianism—it is important to investigate whether participants are willing to critically engage their personal political histories. What do they now say about their roles in this episode? In order to provide answers to this question, six focus groups with a total of 34 participants were organized in the town of Novi Sad, the location of one of the best-known rallies of the antibureaucratic revolution, the so-called yogurt revolution. Most people see their involvement in a rather negative way and regret taking part. However, two blind spots also appear that lessen their sense of personal responsibility: conspiracy theories and notions of urban superiority. The former shifts blame onto secret forces and the latter onto nonurban outsiders. Overall, the long-term legacies of the antibureaucratic revolution are negative: they are associated with cynicism and apathy.

Ovaj rad postavlja sljedeće pitanje: Je li Adam Smith konzervativac? Smith se obično smatra jednim od glavnih autora liberalne tradicije, ali mnoge njegove teze imaju snažnu konzervativnu notu. Iako se često zauzima za pojedinca i za pojedinčeve sposobnosti da bude protagonist vlastite povijesti, Smith istovremeno taj prostor ograničava, argumentirajući u prilog nesposobnosti tih istih pojedinaca da svoje djelovanje razumiju, te argumentirajući u prilog tome da ih se društveno kontrolira i disciplinira. Tri se teme problematiziraju: (1) Smithova metafora nevidljive ruke, (2) pitanje institucionalnog dizajna i (3) pitanje društvene hijerarhije. Ovaj rad upućuje na određene tenzije koje postoje kod Adama Smitha, u škotskom prosvjetiteljstvu i u suvremenoj liberalnoj tradiciji koja je, u velikoj mjeri, sagrađena na tim temeljima. ; This article asks the following question: Is Adam Smith a conservative? Smith is usually seen as a key author of the liberal tradition, but some of his claims have a strong conservative overtone. Although he frequently defends the individual and his capacity to be the agent of his own history, Smith simultaneously limits this space, arguing that the very same individuals are incapable of understanding their own action, and arguing in favor of socially controlling and disciplining them. Three themes are discussed: (1) Smith's metaphor of the invisible hand, (2) the question of institutional design, and (3) the question of social hierarchy. This article points towards certain tensions in the work of Adam Smith, the Scottish enlightenment, and the liberal tradition which was built, to a large extent, on these foundations.

AbstractWhy did nationalism and socialism combine during Serbia's "anti-bureaucratic revolution"? This article critiques the elite-centric approach prevalent in the literature and suggests a cultural argument instead. Three interconnected "elective affinities" brought nationalism and socialism together and separated them from a weak liberal alternative: (1) the emergence of bureaucracy as a "floating signifier"; (2) the search for enemies and a predilection for conspiracy theories; and (3) anti-intellectualism with special emphasis on the search for "one truth." The elite-centric approach is assessed by looking at actors who, if the thesis is correct, should have been the least likely adopters of nationalist ideas.