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"The rise of extreme right parties and neo-fascist movements in recent years as a response to economic crisis has become a major concern for most European countries. The phenomenon is likely to increase, as more disillusioned and discontented sectors of the population become drawn towards intense nationalism and the scapegoating of 'foreigners'. Paul Hainsworth has assembled a team of experts in the field to present a comparative, empirical assessment of the historical evolution, nature and extent of the extreme right in Europe and the United States from the 1940s to the early 1990s. This volume evaluates the nature and influence of the extreme right in the post-war context."--Bloomsbury Publishing

"Fascist, authoritarian, anti-Semitic and extremist movements made a powerful and devastating contribution to the 20th century. While the experiences of the 1930s and 1940s served to delegitimise such forces, contemporary Europe and the USA have witnessed the resurgence of extreme right-wing politics. Rapid socio-economic change, the appeal of nationalism, the failures of mainstream political parties and intense campaigning around issues such as immigration, security and unemployment have all fuelled the phenomenon. This book, a sequel to The Extreme Right in Europe and the USA, provides a comprehensive and analysis of the nature and prevalence of extreme right movements in Europe - both West and East - and in the USA at the turn of the millennium. The authors reveal the uneven process of extreme right-wing revival, which has varied from country to country depending on specific political cultures and circumstances, with some movements confined to the margins while others have moved towards the political mainstream. They examine the ideas, policies, personalities, organizations, voters and reasons for the success of extreme right-wing movements in a range of countries, as well as providing a more general examination of the nature and politics of the extreme right."--Bloomsbury Publishing

Via the 29 May 2005 referendum, the French electorate voted against the adoption of a constitution for the European Union (EU) & thereby sent shock waves across Europe. The grassroots rejection of the Constitution can be seen as both a vote against the policies & performance of the right-wing government & president of the day & a mobilization against the latest development in the EU's treaty architecture. As well as being a considerable blow against the prospects of Europe-wide ratification of the Constitutional Treaty, the decisive 55% No vote also has significant implications for domestic party politics -- not least in the context of positioning for the 2007 presidential election. Adapted from the source document.

Evaluates the character of the extreme right-wing Front National's (FN) support & policy appeal as well as the outlook for further success in France. In terms of the FN voters' sociological profile, more men than women support the party, more FN votes came from larger towns than from small, the working-class showed far more support than other classes, & the lower-middle-class electorate was also biased toward FN, those aged 50-64 supported FN more than other age groups, & the FN exhibits voter fidelity. The development of the FN's program & policies is traced since its 1972 formation. It began as anticommunist & subsequently turned to immigration control as part of its program. Further, it has adopted a Euro-skeptical stance that goes hand in hand with its suspicions of the World Trade Organization, NATO, the UN, & globalization in general. The FN's ascendancy is linked to the legitimacy afforded by alliance with the mainstream Right, & its continuing national-populist appeal is seen to lie in its policy stances on security, immigration, unemployment, & values. In addition, having never been in national-level office means the FN has no government record to defend, while a crisis of representation has fostered popular dissatisfaction & disillusionment with the status quo. A key constraint to the FN is its lack of credibility connected to the viewed that it is not a "party of government." Jean-Marie Le Pen's 2002 success might mark the limit of the party's support, & at age 74, Le Pen's capacity to lead the FN comes under question. However, there is no proof that the FN would not flourish without him. In addition, the voting system constrains the FN as it makes it nearly impossible to convert its votes into National Assembly seats. The FN's continued success is seen to lie in three factors: (1) what happens after Le Pen, (2) the success of the French Right under Jacques Chirac, & (3) the impact of continental & global issues. 32 References. J. Zendejas