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"Revolutionary Republicanism provides a history of French republicanism seen through a seminal episode of its creation - the 1848 revolution. The process of reinventing republicanism in 1848 gave rise to two opposite understandings or republicanism: a moderate one that merely adapted the institutions of representative governement to popular sovereignty, and a more radical, 'social-democratic' notion of republicanism, 'democratic and social', based on inclusive forms of participation and aiming at the emancipation of the proletariat. These two notions of republicanism unfolded over the course of the few critical months between the revolution of February 1848 and the uprising of June 1848, which saw the victory of the moderate one. Playing devil's advocate to the traditional republican history that casts 1848 as a mere step in the continuous history of French republicanism, the book demonstrates that the events of the revolution amounted to a repression of all that the 'Republic' had meant up until that point, particularly the forms of participation and popular representation hitherto seen as constituting a republican regime. The text also sets out to chart the history of the 'democratic and social Republic', as the socialist and worker revolutionaries of 1848 called the radical republicanism they dreamed of founding and believed would fulfil the republican promise of emancipation. This book will appeal to all those with an interest in the French revolutions, and the history of radical ideas"--

A quoi sert le mot démocratie - ou plutôt à qui sert-il ? Dans cet essai incisif, il s'agit de redonner toute sa force au mot, en mettant en lumière les différents plans sur lesquels se joue le combat autour de la démocratie entre les puissants et le peuple, afin d'éclairer ce qui fait démocratie. " Le parti, le syndicat, le mouvement, l'organisation, le groupe affinitaire, l'association, aucune forme n'est prémunie de la captation oligarchique, mais aucune n'y est non plus condamnée. La démocratie est le pouvoir d'un peuple qui ne cesse de se reconstruire dans l'expérience collective d'un refus d'être gouverné. Ce refus préfigure un temps nouveau, celui du gouvernement du peuple et de la fin de la domination sociale. Adhérer à la démocratie au sens fort suppose de l'effectuer, c'est-à-dire de prendre parti, sans garantie de victoire. Là est le sujet collectif que cette compréhension de la démocratie construit : un nous partisan, fondé sur un commun attachement à la démocratie réelle, cette forme de gouvernement et de société qui repose sur la capacité de n'importe qui à prendre parti, pour mettre en échec collectivement les relations de pouvoir qui nous enserrent. Là est le pari de la démocratie, la condition pour que s'effectue, de manière toujours différente et inattendue, le pouvoir du peuple"." -- [éditeur]

Sometimes, people engaged in politics actively refuse to speak for anyone but themselves. These unrepresentative claims multiply in social movements in times of crisis. During the French Yellow Vest movement of 2018–2019, such unrepresentative claims were routinely made by Yellow Vest leaders, to the point of being a condition for having a leadership position in the movement. By making these unrepresentative claims, they declined any representative mandate, asserting their freedom from any instituted influence. However, by claiming to speak only for themselves, they also selected the aspects of their identity they performed. This allowed them to embody the people sharing this identity, recalling the medieval repraesentatio identitatis, but in a way adjusted to today's greater personalization of politics. Drawing on this movement and on other examples of unrepresentative claims, we can delineate three broad ideal-types of identities that may be put forward by unrepresentative claims: generality, particularity, and individuality.

International audience ; Qui peut représenter la classe ouvrière ? Seulement des ouvriers, selon le Manifeste des Soixante de 1864. Pour Pierre Rosanvallon, c'est une rupture avec l'abstraction démocratique, qui met entre parenthèse les appartenances sociales des individus. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon critique la stratégie des Soixante dans De la capacité politique des classes ouvrières. Selon lui, plutôt que d'être représentés à l'Assemblée, les ouvriers doivent réaliser leur idée, le socialisme, en dehors de l'Etat.

International audience ; Qui peut représenter la classe ouvrière ? Seulement des ouvriers, selon le Manifeste des Soixante de 1864. Pour Pierre Rosanvallon, c'est une rupture avec l'abstraction démocratique, qui met entre parenthèse les appartenances sociales des individus. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon critique la stratégie des Soixante dans De la capacité politique des classes ouvrières. Selon lui, plutôt que d'être représentés à l'Assemblée, les ouvriers doivent réaliser leur idée, le socialisme, en dehors de l'Etat.

International audience ; Sometimes, people engaged in politics actively refuse to speak for anyone but themselves. These unrepresentative claims multiply in social movements in times of crisis. During the French Yellow Vest movement of 2018–2019, such unrepresentative claims were routinely made by Yellow Vest leaders, to the point of being a condition for having a leadership position in the movement. By making these unrepresentative claims, they declined any representative mandate, asserting their freedom from any instituted influence. However, by claiming to speak only for themselves, they also selected the aspects of their identity they performed. This allowed them to embody the people sharing this identity, recalling the medieval repraesentatio identitatis , but in a way adjusted to today's greater personalization of politics. Drawing on this movement and on other examples of unrepresentative claims, we can delineate three broad ideal-types of identities that may be put forward by unrepresentative claims: generality, particularity, and individuality.

International audience ; Sometimes, people engaged in politics actively refuse to speak for anyone but themselves. These unrepresentative claims multiply in social movements in times of crisis. During the French Yellow Vest movement of 2018–2019, such unrepresentative claims were routinely made by Yellow Vest leaders, to the point of being a condition for having a leadership position in the movement. By making these unrepresentative claims, they declined any representative mandate, asserting their freedom from any instituted influence. However, by claiming to speak only for themselves, they also selected the aspects of their identity they performed. This allowed them to embody the people sharing this identity, recalling the medieval repraesentatio identitatis , but in a way adjusted to today's greater personalization of politics. Drawing on this movement and on other examples of unrepresentative claims, we can delineate three broad ideal-types of identities that may be put forward by unrepresentative claims: generality, particularity, and individuality.

Le livre Principes du gouvernement représentatif de Bernard Manin a joué un rôle crucial pour l'établissement d'un lien entre démocratie et tirage au sort, en théorie politique mais aussi dans le monde militant. Cet article retrace la carrière militante de cette référence. Si le tirage au sort a d'abord été défendu par des réformateurs, il devient, à partir de 2006, la revendication clé d'un mouvement citoyen animé par un partisan du « non » au Traité constitutionnel européen, Étienne Chouard. Néanmoins le livre de Manin joue plutôt un rôle légitimateur chez Chouard et plus encore les militants qui le suivent.

International audience ; This chapter explores some of the normative implications of the constructivist turn in the theory and practice of representative democracy, taking as its point of departure the constructivist framework of representative claims set by Michael Saward. Saward's account succeeds from a descriptive point of view, but does not provide us with normative criteria to evaluate whether a given representative claim is democratic. This chapter finds in the standard account of representation by Hanna Pitkin a conception of representation as composition, which provides a strong democratic criterion to evaluate representation. It distinguishes between two ideal-typical conceptions of representation compatible with constructivism: representation as imposition, developed most notably by Pierre Bourdieu, in which the represented get their social identities from their representative; and representation as proposition, in which the represented acquire in the process of representation not just their identity but also some agency to judge it – a view of representation that is at the core of pragmatic sociology. The conclusion suggests possible criteria for representation as proposition and propose inclusiveness as a democratic criterion that can form the basis of an alternate ideal of representation, inclusive representation.

International audience ; This chapter explores some of the normative implications of the constructivist turn in the theory and practice of representative democracy, taking as its point of departure the constructivist framework of representative claims set by Michael Saward. Saward's account succeeds from a descriptive point of view, but does not provide us with normative criteria to evaluate whether a given representative claim is democratic. This chapter finds in the standard account of representation by Hanna Pitkin a conception of representation as composition, which provides a strong democratic criterion to evaluate representation. It distinguishes between two ideal-typical conceptions of representation compatible with constructivism: representation as imposition, developed most notably by Pierre Bourdieu, in which the represented get their social identities from their representative; and representation as proposition, in which the represented acquire in the process of representation not just their identity but also some agency to judge it – a view of representation that is at the core of pragmatic sociology. The conclusion suggests possible criteria for representation as proposition and propose inclusiveness as a democratic criterion that can form the basis of an alternate ideal of representation, inclusive representation.

International audience ; Bernard Manin's Principles of Representative Government played a crucial role in establishing a link between democracy and sortition, both in political theory and among activists. This article examines the militant trajectory of this reference. While sortition was first promoted by reformers, it became a key demand of a citizen movement led by Etienne Chouard, a supporter of the "No" side during the referendum for a Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe. Nevertheless, Manin's book played more of a legitimizing role for Chouard and even more so for his followers. ; Le livre Principes du gouvernement représentatif de Bernard Manin a joué un rôle crucial pour l'établissement d'un lien entre démocratie et tirage au sort, en théorie politique mais aussi dans le monde militant. Cet article retrace la carrière militante de cette référence. Si le tirage au sort a d'abord été défendu par des réformateurs, il devient, à partir de 2006, la revendication clé d'un mouvement citoyen animé par un partisan du « non » au Traité constitutionnel européen, Étienne Chouard. Néanmoins le livre de Manin joue plutôt un rôle légitimateur chez Chouard et plus encore les militants qui le suivent.

International audience ; Bernard Manin's Principles of Representative Government played a crucial role in establishing a link between democracy and sortition, both in political theory and among activists. This article examines the militant trajectory of this reference. While sortition was first promoted by reformers, it became a key demand of a citizen movement led by Etienne Chouard, a supporter of the "No" side during the referendum for a Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe. Nevertheless, Manin's book played more of a legitimizing role for Chouard and even more so for his followers. ; Le livre Principes du gouvernement représentatif de Bernard Manin a joué un rôle crucial pour l'établissement d'un lien entre démocratie et tirage au sort, en théorie politique mais aussi dans le monde militant. Cet article retrace la carrière militante de cette référence. Si le tirage au sort a d'abord été défendu par des réformateurs, il devient, à partir de 2006, la revendication clé d'un mouvement citoyen animé par un partisan du « non » au Traité constitutionnel européen, Étienne Chouard. Néanmoins le livre de Manin joue plutôt un rôle légitimateur chez Chouard et plus encore les militants qui le suivent.