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Una de las principales condiciones para asegurar el desarrollo a largo plazo y el éxito del orden económico y político liberal internacional es la vuelta a un orden monetario internacional estable y regulado. Ello puede beneficiar tanto a países grandes como a pequeños, ya sean desarrollados o en vías de desarrollo. De hecho, la ausencia de un orden monetario internacional desde 1970 y el regionalismo y nacionalismo monetario han provocado la inexistencia de mecanismos de ajuste equitativos y equilibradotes de los excesos de la economía mundial. Las crisis financieras recurrentes han dañado las economías no sólo de los países más pobres, sino también de los ricos. La tarea de diseñar, negociar e implantar un nuevo orden monetario internacional es un reto que combina aspectos económicos y políticos. Un posible acercamiento a este diseño puede estar inspirado por el Sistema Monetario Europeo (SME) original. La responsabilidad de llevar a cabo un SME ampliado corresponde principalmente a las tres economías de mercado más importantes: Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea y Japón. La implantación de este SME ampliado beneficiaría a toda la economía mundial incluyendo las economías emergentes como Brasil, China e India, y otras más débiles que sufren principalmente los efectos de las crisis financieras recurrentes. A largo plazo el sistema podría ampliarse a nuevos miembros, de modo que se convirtiera en un auténtico sistema universal. Pero únicamente el compromiso y la participación de las tres principales economías Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea y Japón podría garantizar su éxito. Es más, la ausencia de cualquiera de ellas conllevaría de forma inevitable el fracaso del sistema, con las consecuencias que ello implicaría para el desarrollo de una economía mundial integrada y próspera._______________________One of the principal conditions to assure the long-term development and success of the liberal international economic and political order is the return to a stable, equitable and rule-based international monetary order. This is in the interests of large and small, rich and poor and "emerging" countries alike. In fact, the absence since the 1970s of a universal monetary order and the prevailing monetary nationalism and regionalism at a time of globalization and global finance have been responsible for a lack of equitable adjustment mechanisms and of effective checks and balances on financial and fiscal excesses in the world economy. The recurring financial crises have been hurting the economies not only of the poorer but by now also of the richest economies. The task of designing, negotiating and implementing a new international monetary order is clearly a combined political and economic and security challenge. A possible approach for a new design could be inspired by the original "European Monetary System" (EMS). The responsibility for this initiative for an "Extended EMS" belongs first and foremost to the three principal market economies: the United States, the European Union and Japan. From the start this "Extended EMS" would benefit the entire world economy – including the major new powers such as Brazil, China and India, and the weaker economies that suffer the most from the recurring financial crises. In the long run it would also be open to new members in order to become a truly universal system. But it is only the commitment and active participation of the three main pillars of the liberal international economic order, the US, Europe and Japan could be the guaranty of success: the absence of either one of the three would inevitably lead to failure with dire consequences for the outlook for an integrated and prosperous world economy.

Because of the severity of recent crises and the generalized intransigence to resolve their root causes, as well as the strong reaction of the international community in bringing aid and relief to those affected, humanitarian action has emerged as an important aspect of international relations. It is growing ever more evident that humanitarian action can have a profound and lasting impact on internal social/political cohesion and international order. In our era of globalization it is essential to recognize the importance of the concept of the international 'responsibility to protect,' as well as the integral relationship between humanitarian action and international order. The development of a broadly based international order inspired by humane values, such as freedom and solidarity, as well as a reversal of the fear of the Other, will be an essential part of international relations in the future. W. A. Butler

As at the end of the Cold War, today there is no desirable or superior alternative to a universal liberal international order. However, a liberal order is not automatic and today we are at a major turning point where we face two alternative scenarios: a turn for the worse or a turn for the better. The crisis in Iraq underscores the need to reaffirm and strengthen the democratic liberal international order. Concludes that the chances of a turn for the better are higher than those of a turn for the worse, i.e. the strengthening of the liberal international order is more likely than its disintegration and breakdown. There is a need for new initiatives, solidarities, consensus, intellectual and political leadership from all the countries that share the same vision of a universal order. It must, however, be a "voluntarist" endeavor.