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Foreword: the world is not flat: challenging neoliberal policies / David Hursh -- Introduction: neoliberal politics and education in the rich world: inequality, undemocracy and the resistant possibilities and roles of critical educators / Dave Hill -- The American privatization campaign: vouchers, charters, educational management organizations and the money behind them / Karen Anijar and David Gabbard -- Neoliberalism and education in Canada / Adam Davidson-Harden, Larry Kuehn, Daniel Schugurensky and Harry Smaller -- The new built environment of education: neo-liberalism on trial in Australia / Gregory Martin -- England and Wales: neoliberalised education and its impacts / Christine Lewis, Dave Hill and Barry Fawcett -- Changing the tide of education policy in Finland: from Nordic to EU educational policy model / Joel Kivirauma, Risto Rinne and Piia Seppänen -- The neoliberal-neoconservative reform in Greek education / Georgios Grollios -- The third way and beyond: global neo-liberalism, education and resistance in Taiwan / Hui-Lan Wang and Michael Loncar -- Israel: neoliberal and nationalist education: towards a political pedagogy / Aura Mor-Sommerfeld, Ehud Adiv and Arnon Dunetz -- Education in a one party 'democracy': Singapore / Steve McKenna and Julia Richardson -- Education reforms in Japan: neo-liberal, neo-conservative, and 'progressive education' directions / Kaori H. Okano -- Contributors -- Index

I focus in this chapter on Revolutionary Marxist education, distinguishing it, in particular, from both Centrist, and Left versions of social democracy/revisionism. Accordingly, I set out what I consider to be five key aspects Marxists critique about education policy, and make proposals and seek to enact, relating to: (i) Curriculum and Assessment, (ii) Pedagogy, (iii) The Organisational Culture within the School/ Institution, (iv) Organisation of The Education System and of Students, that is, comprehensive schooling or selective schooling, and (v) Ownership and Control of Schools, Colleges and Universities. The conclusion sets out what is specifically Marxist about the proposals set out.

In this article I analyse global and national neoliberalisms- economic and social class war from above- neoconservatisms which are leading to and connected with NeoFascisms- with their scapegoating, racism, xenophobia, misogyny, heterophobia, militarism and the attacks on dissent- whether electoral, media, or from academics/ universities and workers' organisations and actions. Six prime examples are Erdogan in Turkey, Bolsonaro in Brazil, Trump in the USA, Orban in Hungary, the Law and Justice government in Poland, and the racist government in Italy, in effect led by Salvini. Across Europe Far-right anti-immigrant, xenophobic and ultra nationalist authoritarian parties are recruiting and becoming electorally significant- and, in some cases, significant on the streets. Critique social democratic reformist parties and governments for adopting neoliberal austerity policies and thereby becoming delegitimised, together with the too-often `accomodationist' trade union and party leaderships. and critically examine prospects for left social democracy as represented, for example, by the Jeremy Corbyn led Labour Party in the UK. Much of the article is devoted to the resistant and the revolutionary role of teachers, academics and education/ cultural workers in different arenas, from national and local electoral and direct action politics/ Focusing on Critical Education, Critical Educators, Marxist Education, Marxist Educators, I seek to address four aspects of education: pedagogy, the curriculum, resistance in the classroom and the hidden curriculum, and the structure of schooling nationally and locally (within-school). I conclude by setting out what is specifically Marxist about the proposals set out. These are: (1) Class Analysis: the Capital-Labour Relation; (2) Capitalism must be replaced by Socialism and that change is Revolutionary; and (3) Revolutionary Transformation of Economy and Society needs to be preceded by and accompanied by a Class Programme, Organisation, and Activism. Regarding capitalism, our task is to replace it with democratic Marxism, to lead, firstly, into socialism, and ultimately, into communism. As teachers, as educators, as cultural workers, as educational, union and party activists, as intellectuals, we have a role to play.

This paper briefly examines the context-specific paths and policies of neoliberalism and neoconservatism and the resistance to their depradations. While calling for activism with micro-, meso- and macro-social and political arenas, the paper focuses on activity within formal education institutions. It suggests a series of measures- a socialist Manifesto for education, for discussion. It concludes with a call to action for teachers and education workers (and others) to be "Critical Educators," Resistors, Marxist activists, within and outside official education.

In this article I examine the nexus, the mutually reinforcing connection between neoliberal and neoconservative ideology and social and political forces, and variation between countries such as Britain, the USA and Turkey. This analysis is then applied in particular to neoliberal/ neoconservative education 'reform' in England, focusing on marketisation, high-stakes testing, privatization and pre-privatisation, and the increased surveillance of teachers as a result of new public managerialism in education, as reinforced and enforced by the school inspection system. These effects are then related to the lived work experiences of specific teachers, using their own word. I conclude the article by examining and calling for resistance, for teachers and critical education workers to educate, agitate and organize in various arenas, and to consider the importance of political programme- in particular to consider the utility of the transitional programme as advanced by Trotsky.

This is a panoptic paper in five parts. In Part One, Immiseration Capitalism, I examine the current neoliberal cum neoconservative austerity capitalism and its `class war from above', in particular its resultant relative immiseration and its absolute immiseration, with particular reference to Greece, Ireland, Britain and the USA. In Part Two, Anger at, Analysis of and Activism within/ against Immiseration Capitalism, I argue that there is a necessity for Anger, (Marxist class-based) Analysis, and Activism, with Programme, Organisation and Strategy. Activism, Analysis and Strategy are then addressed in terms both of electoralism and in terms of direct, extra-Parliamentary activism, both being deemed necessary, but with the former having limitations and the latter being deemed essential. Here, I lay a stress on the importance of revolutionary Marxist party. In Part Three, I identify the main features of Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism and Education for Austerity Capitalism and Immiseration, contrasting this, in Part Four, with Activism in the Education Arena: Critical Pedagogies, Socialist Education. Here, I summarise key aspects of critical pedagogy and socialist education, and also summarise Marxist critiques of theories that serve to disable class based analysis and activism in education and society: postmodernism, identity politics, and revisionist/ reformist socialism. In Part Five, Resistance: Revolt, Revenge and Strategic Activism, I return to Resistance and Revenge and call for them to be strategically focused. The paper is also slightly autobiographical, referencing some of my own relevant experiences, blogs and writing. As a panoptic paper it is therefore, inevitable a summary paper, in places, an extended annotated bibliography.

This chapter calls for transformative activism by education and other cultural workers - teachers, lecturers, journalists - in order to develop an economically just economy, polity and society. This chapter sets out key characteristics of neo-liberal global capitalism (and,importantly, its accompanying neoconservatism) and its major effects on society and education. It highlights the obscene and widening economic, social and educational inequalities both within states and, globally, between states; the de- theorisation of education and the regulating of critical thought and activists through the ideological and repressive state apparatuses; and the limitation and regulation of democracy and democratic accountability at national and local educational levels. The chapter analyses three components of the `Capitalist Agenda for/in Education' within the current neo-liberal /neo-conservative globalising project of Capital, and, calls for critical engagement with- challenging- the Radical Right in its neoliberal, Conservative, neoconservative, traditionalist religious, and its social democratic (sometimes revised as `Third way') manifestations. The chapter also calls for engagement with ideological and cultural fashions and with fashionable `knowledge workers' within the media and the academy -fashions such as postmodernism, which, together with social democracy/ left revisionism, ultimately serve the function of `naturalising' neo-liberal Capital as the dominating `common sense'. They do this partly by virtue of their ignoring, or deriding Marxist derived/related concepts of social class, class conflict and socialism. Such academic fashions as postmodernism and left revisionism debilitate and displace viable solidaristic socialist counter-hegemonic struggles.

The paper bases itself in the tradition of transformative activism stressing the need to develop a just society. Outlining the contemporary context of neoliberal capitalism it seeks to understand the educational developments in the larger context of the labour-capital conflict with certain specific examples from Britain. It highlights the obscene and widening economic, social and educational inequalities both within states and globally; the detheorisation of education and the regulating of critical thought and activists through the ideological and repressive state apparatuses; and the limitation and regulation of democracy and democratic accountability at national and local educational levels. The author argues that there are possibilities of bringing about change in the education system and this can be undertaken by the critical educators and intellectuals. Education being a product of social relations and an instrument of reproduction therefore becomes an important site of struggle and change. As the conclusion Dave Hill outlines the 'arenas' located at diverse sites where the struggle to bring about change can be undertaken such as through a broader movement for economic and social justice, local action outside the classroom and within the education and media apparatuses.