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Preliminary Material -- Chapter I. The Independence of Cyprus -- Chapter II. The Breakdown of Thebi-communal Republic -- Chapter III. The Turkish Intervention and Turkeys Continued Presence in the Northern Part of Cyprus -- Chapter IV. UN Efforts to Foster a Settlement 19751995 -- Chapter V. Cyprus as Candidate for EU Membership -- Chapter VI. EU Accession Negotiations and Annan Plan IIII -- Chapter VII. EU Accession and Annan Plan IVV -- Chapter VIII. Cyprus as EU Member State -- Chapter IX. Relations between Cyprus and Turkey -- Chapter X. Conclusion -- Appendices -- Bibliography -- Table of Abbreviations -- Index.

Environmental damage, German and European environmental law, environmental policy, environmental liability, pollutor-pays-principle, environmental protection of the high seas, environmental protection of Antarctica, proposal de lege ferenda

The article reviews the legal significance of the European Union's quest for "strategic autonomy" in its external relations. First the political origin of the term is recapped and a legal definition proposed: "Striving for multilateral solutions, while being able to take lawful action alone to safeguard the Union's values, fundamental interests, security, independence and integrity!" Second, the application thereof in the EU's common commercial policy is reviewed. In particular, the recent EU legislative initiatives that combat economic distortions on the one hand are distinguished from the pieces of EU legislation that foster EU values worldwide on the other hand. Third, the Common Foreign and Security Policy is considered. It is shown how the EU's reaction in the aftermath of Russia's invasion of Ukraine led to an unprecedented array of use of available instruments (European Peace Facility, ten sanctions packages, support for Ukraine for its legal cases against Russia). The conclusion identifies a new defining moment for the European project through a remarkable legal push from intergovernmental to integrationist conduct in its external relations in the 2020s.
strategic autonomy, external relations law, common commercial policy, CFSP, European Peace Facility

The article presents four categories of EU approaches on regulating supply chain responsibility. Sometimes, like in the case of the Kimberley process for conflict diamonds or with respect to illegally fished fishery products, the EU enacts restrictions or prohibitions that are specifically targeted at the import of foreign products. These import regimes are distinguished from marketing prohibitions for unethically produced goods. The prime examples are the European bans on cat and dog fur and seals products, as well as a possible future ban on goods made from forced labour. While these categories impose negative duties for EU importers and producers, the author also looks at EU regulations imposing positive obligations of EU companies. They may either be required to report about supply chain responsibility or need to entertain due diligence with respect to their import activities. For the latter category, the author discusses the EU regulations on tropical timber, conflict minerals, deforestation and general due diligence. Hoffmeister shows how these regimes fit into the normative framework of the European Union's foreign policy objectives and argues that they are WTO compatible. He also provides a short comparative assessment about their effectiveness.

Mit dem Vertrag von Lissabon fügten die Mitgliedstaaten zahlreiche "Brückenklauseln" in das Primärrecht ein, die es dem Europäischen Rat ermöglichen, durch einen einstimmigen Beschluss die Beschlussfassung im Rat von der Einstimmigkeit in die qualifizierte Mehrheit zu überführen. Zwischen September 2018 und April 2019 legte die Europäische Kommission vier Mitteilungen vor, in denen sie anregte, diese Brückenklauseln in den Bereichen Außen-, Sozial-, Steuer- sowie Klima- und Energiepolitik zu nutzen. Der hiesige Beitrag fasst die Überlegungen des Verfassers zusammen, die er dem Europa-Ausschuss des Bundestags als einer von mehreren Sachverständigen vorgetragen hat. Dabei wird jeweils zunächst die Rechtslage skizziert, sodann die Überlegungen der Kommission zusammengefasst und bewertet, um schließlich das Verfahren zu beleuchten und die Bedeutung für die Integrationsverantwortung des Bundestags zu würdigen. Hoffmeister schlägt vor, die qualifizierte Mehrheit im Rat für außenpolitische Rechtsakte im Bereich Menschenrechte und für Sanktionsbeschlüsse nicht jedoch für EU-Zivilmissionen einzuführen. In der Sozialpolitik befürwortet er den Übergang zu Mehrheitsentscheidungen beim Kündigungsschutzrecht und den Beschäftigungsbedingungen für sich legal in der Union aufhaltenden Drittstaatsangehörige. In der Steuerpolitik hält er den Übergang ins ordentliche Gesetzgebungsverfahren für Vorschriften überwiegend steuerlicher Art zum Umwelt- und Klimaschutz für geboten, nicht aber generell für alle indirekten und direkten Steuern.