This book examines the grass-roots relationship between the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the civilian population during the Irish Revolution. It is primarily concerned with the attempts of the militant revolutionaries to discourage, stifle, and punish dissent among the local populations in which they operated, and the actions or inactions by which dissent was expressed or implied. Focusing on the period of guerilla war against British rule from c. 1917 to 1922, it uncovers the acts of 'everyday' violence, threat, and harm that characterized much of the revolutionary activity of this period.
The Southern Irish Loyalists Relief Association (SILRA) was originally founded in London in 1922 to aid 'refugees' in Britain. It also had an Irish sub-committee, and soon focussed its attention almost exclusively on those loyalists who remained in the Irish Free State (IFS). Populated by diehard Conservatives and Irish unionists, SILRA demonstrates the longevity of the afterlife of the Irish Revolution for both of these groups – though both had experienced it very differently. As a non-violent reactionary movement that spanned Britain, Ireland, and the dominions, SILRA offers a useful transnational case-study of interwar counter-revolution in a British context. Moreover, SILRA's Irish committee highlights some of the ways in which the sternest southern loyalists and unionists – who found themselves among the 'losers' of the Irish Revolution – preserved allegiances and social solidarity in the IFS.
Ireland's demography in the world context is unique. Its population count remains the same as it was some 200 years ago and yet it has experienced profound movements. This paper contrasts Ireland's changing demography with that of Japan since the 1840's, for these the two offshore nations, located off either end of the Eurasian land mass. Historic urban literature identifies that governmental policies towards cities and city-based industry and services appears to explain many of these contrasts. In Ireland's case such policy both prior to and since the formation of the State has been an ambivalent one that has not favoured the growth of its provincial cities. Ireland's forthcoming National Planning Framework provides a policy opportunity to change policy direction and opt for intensive city growth. Urban economic and new economic geography advances show that Ireland is no different from similar nations and the principal question for the future is: will the focus of development be in favour of its secondary cities or will Dublin by default become Ireland's city state of the 21st century? The choice is to remain with the failed policies of the last spatial plan, premised on balanced regional development, which has created many additional villages, small towns and one-off housing while Ireland's provincial cities get left further behind compared with 'primate' Dublin. The paper provides interesting insights into the preliminary 2016 census figures to portray the contrasting populations and regional growth differences. Celebrated world urban experts, including Japan's Masahisa Fujita and Nobel Prize winner Paul Krugman and also Jacques-Francois Thisse, all emphasise the wealth creation benefits of cities, driven by the move from physical to cerebral types of work and to the concentration of economic activity. The paper reviews some of the major players on the world stage of Urban Economics and the New Economic Geography. It points to future demographic possibilities and concludes that the adoption of urban-agglomeration policies of densification, centripetal rather than centrifugal growth and a positive land-use/ transportation interface with the objective of reducing commuting times, all will enhance competitiveness and which should inform Ireland's spatial policy direction.
The recent publication of Ireland's Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government's 'non-statutory' Planning Policy Statement (PPS) of end January 2015, heralds the prospect of the replacement of the National Spatial Strategy (2002-2020) with a National Planning Framework (NPF). The PPS emphasises that future Planning Strategy should be both evidence-based and plan-led. As a contribution to such aspirations, this Paper presents a demographic approach applied to the spatial context for current housing needs and points to compelling reasons for developing Ireland's cities whilst curtailing the ongoing proliferation of villages, small towns and one-off housing, and for services provision, infrastructural priorities and related policy issues.
With Ireland's strong economic recovery and the gradual revival of its construction industry, the future potential status and growth of its provincial cities in general for Drogheda, and the near 80,000 population of the Greater Drogheda Area (GDrA), is viewed as having been portrayed in an underwhelming way in the withdrawn National Spatial Strategy (NSS). Drogheda straddles both Louth and Meath counties, thereby presenting historic governance issues. Its impressive growth since 1996, in becoming Ireland's largest town, has required several county boundary adjustments. This divided governance has inhibited its commercial growth. The purpose of this Paper is to have GDrA's status and its future as Ireland's next city, appropriately articulated in the revised National Planning Framework (NPF), supported by the demographic evidence-base of this Paper.
In 2003, Eoin O Leary of NUIC published the first in what has since become an extensive literature criticising the 2002-2020 National Spatial Strategy's core 'distributive' strategy, that of Balanced Regional Development (BRD). It is therefore disturbing, despite the strategy's obvious failures and the government's 2013 withdrawn of this discredited NSS, that some Opposition politicians continue to persist in articulating BRD in a politically opportunistically way, such as was emphasised a number of times by Eamon O'Cuiv T.D. on the Claire Byrne TV Show on RTE 1, Monday 9th March. That programme with its Live Audience, was broadcast immediately after the similar-themed Richard Curran Documentary: 'The Battle for Rural Ireland'.
The primary aim of this thesis is to explore the interaction between the IRA and its communities in Ireland between 1917 and the beginning of the Irish Civil War in June 1922. To do so, it will focus on civilian defiance and the IRA intimidation and coercion such defiance engendered. Through a combination of IRA and Dail Eireann papers, British government, police and military records, witness statements, memoirs and compensation claims, the research describes low-level, everyday acts of defiance and terror and is rooted firmly in the town or parish. ; TARA (Trinity?s Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie
Dublin's superior population and employment growth, its scale size and unique urban agglomerative momentum will result in it emerging as Ireland's 'city state' by mid-tolate 21st century. The hypothesis states that by then, the GDA is expected to be approaching half of the State's population. The pivotal research question addressed is: can the GDA long-term differential population growth to that of the RoS area result in a 50% convergence of their respective populations and if so, when might this occur? The thesis develops the Hughes Years Matrix of Convergence 'HYMOC'1 mathematical model, which represents this author's spreadsheet matrix time indicator in years, to such convergence. This includes varying population parameters of differential exponential compound annual growth rates, from scenarios of demographic-specific start-points: ones which can accommodate select assumptions as to the GDA and RoS population sizes. From published CSO 2006 census data on town size, specifically it is the evidence of an emerging Dublin's urban plateau, one that is swelling the growth of Ireland's largest residentially-dominated towns. In combination with the capital's emerging polycentric super-suburbs, together, they are creating an urban base that is unmatched in scale anywhere else in the State. Should this long-term demographic trend continue, it is likely that the GDA will consolidate its current signs of developing as Ireland's citystate. That analogy, together with the range of mainly demographic tables, case studies and supporting data, are drawn together by way of synthesis, conclusions and recommendations for consideration by strategy planners and policy-makers. The thesis concludes that in the absence of a political will to recognise cities or to provide Statewide city-focused governance mechanisms, Dublin will continue to develop as a highly monocentric settlement – particularly for employment, and its imperious, primate growth de facto, will emerge as Ireland's city-state of the 21st century.
Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Also by Brian M. Hughes -- Contents -- 1 Brexit as Psychodrama -- The Psychologising of Brexit -- Empire 2.0 -- From Self-Regard to Self-Loathing -- From Self-Loathing to Self-Abuse -- A Scientific Psychology of Brexit -- Psychodrama Under the Microscope -- The Problem of Improbability -- The Problem of Easily Remembered Examples -- The Problem of Counterexamples -- The Problem of Simpler Explanations -- The Real Psychology of Brexit -- 2 Reasoning Through Brexit -- I. Decisions, Decisions -- That Is the Question -- The Age of Ill-Reason -- Brexit Means… -- This Message Will Self-Destruct… -- It's (Not) the Economy, Stupid -- Silver-Medal Anxiety -- Complex Numbers -- II. A Brain Made for Taking Shortcuts -- Rules of Thumb: Free-Flowing Memories -- Rules of Thumb: Anchors Ahoy! -- Rules of Thumb: Give It to Me Exactly… -- Rules of Thumb: What's Mine Is, Well, Mine -- Peer Pressure: Nothing to Lose but Your Sense of Perspective -- Peer Pressure: Truthiness -- Problems of Rose-Tinted Glasses: Everything Is Awesome -- Problems of Rose-Tinted Glasses: Everything Is Under Control -- Problems of Rose-Tinted Glasses: It's Not Me, It's You -- People and Their Feelings -- 3 The Brexit People -- I. One Size Does Not Fit All -- Know Your Audience -- Personality Goes a Long Way -- Enough of Experts -- Take Me to Your Leader -- II. Groups Matter -- The Hive Mind -- Echo, Echo -- Poles Apart -- Deal or No Deal: Parliamentarians as Prisoners -- Identify Yourself -- The Point of It All -- 4 Brexit Anxiety -- I. On Brexit as a Cause of Mental Illness -- Land of No Hope and Glory -- Our Survey Says -- Need More Data -- Drug Machine -- Economic Instability Is Bad for Mental Health -- II. On Mental Illness as a Cause of Brexit -- The Insanity Offence -- The Pathologising of Politics, and the Politicising of Pathology -- The New Normal.
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Because of potential improvements to water security and cost savings, military decision makers may want to consider new means of providing potable water to Airmen in deployed locations. Drilling for water and field bottling show great potential because of the increased security and lower per unit cost when compared to bottled water from approved sources. However, the selection of the best means to supply water is a hard decision which must balance multiple objectives (e.g., security, palatability, and convenience) against limited resources (e.g., cost, airlift, trucks, and personnel). A multi-objective decision analysis model quantifies a decision-maker's values regarding the many different means of providing potable water. Consisting of four fundamental values and seventeen measures, the model captures the Air Force's objectives. Using three different notional bases, the model was tested by evaluating five initial alternatives for each base. Sensitivity analysis was also conducted to provide additional insight into the tradeoffs and to generate potentially even better alternatives which were tailored to the specific location and decision-maker's objectives. More emphasis on drilling wells could save hundreds of millions of dollars and provide a much safer water supply, thereby improving the chances for operational success.
