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Urban air quality is currently a prominent topic in Germany and in other countries in Europe. A large fraction of urban areas suffer from air pollution at levels that are considered harmful for human health. Where persistent exceedances occur, local authorities need to collate local air quality action plans which may have wide ranging consequences, including closing selected streets for some very polluting vehicles. In order to justify such measures, the assessment of urban air quality has to be rigorous and properly evaluated. The EU legislation governing air quality in Germany has set-out requirements for the spatial representativeness of assessed pollutant concentrations. Ambient concentrations of air pollutants regularly reach high levels in the urban canopy layer, particularly near main roads or at places with low ventilation. The urban canopy layer is characterised by very heterogeneous conditions. Emissions of pollutants can be very local and vary in time and space. Local building configurations and meteorological conditions determine the wind field which drives transport and dispersion of pollutants. Since the relevant parameters are very variable, the obtained concentrations can be similarly variable. To assess relevant impacts on human health, the concentrations need to be determined with good temporal and spatial representativeness. In complex conditions, point measurements have limited representativeness unless a high number of measurement points is available. The high resolution numerical model presented in this thesis can be used to determine the representativeness of urban monitoring stations or to provide concentration levels in complex conditions. This thesis contributes to the quality assurance for urban air quality assessment. It presents components of a complex set of models that can be used to support the assessment of urban air quality. These components are compared with data measured in a physical wind tunnel model based on an state-of-the-art technique. The evaluation of the model results demonstrates how a high-resolution model for concentrations in the urban canopy layer can be tested. The further analysis determines how representative urban measurement sites can be found using a realistic example. In a sensitivity study the influence of processes governing the level of ambient concentrations is quantified. In the atmosphere, pollutants continue to react and change the atmospheric composition on various time scales, in some cases also forming new secondary pollutants. To represent this, the numerical model needs to solve alongside the meteorological equations also a set of equations for chemical reactions. Such reaction mechanisms exist and a mechanism developed originally for mesoscale applications has been used here. The evaluation of model results shows a very good agreement of the wind field model with comparison data following a German guideline for the evaluation of wind field models. For the evaluation of pollutant concentrations, model results have been compared with wind tunnel data and with field measurements for a site in Hanover, Germany. The comparison with field data is very good only for some species. For other species differences occur and a possible cause could be identified. A sensitivity study demonstrates the relevance of processes with small scale variability such as the reduction of photolysis rates through local shading. This highlights that the evaluation should not just include the model output, but also the complete configuration including all input data and parameters in order to ensure consistency. Further than the assessment of concentrations, such an evaluated model can also be used to support the placement of new in-situ measurement sites at sensible location with regard to the representativeness. The spatial analysis of a realistic situation highlights this problem for the urban canopy layer. ; Städtische Luftqualität ist ein sehr aktuelles Thema in Deutschland und in anderen Ländern in Europa. Große Stadtgebiete sind Luftverschmutzung ausgesetzt die als für die meschliche Gesundheit schädlich betrachtet wird. Wo Überschreitungen gesundheitsrelevanter Schwellwerte auftreten müssen die Behörden einen Luftreinhalteplan aufstellen. Dieser kann weitreichenede Konsequenzen haben, bis hin zu Fahrverboten in einigen Straßen für besonders hoch emittierende Fahrzeuge. Um solche Maßnahmen rechtfertigen zu können muss die Belastung verlässlich und qualitätsgesichert bestimmt werden. In der EU-Gesetzgebung nach der sich der Immissionsschutz in Deutschland richtet sind Vorgaben für die Repräsentativität bei der Bestimmung von Schadstsoffkonzentrationen niedergelegt. Immissionen von Schadtstoffen erreichen in der städtischen Grenzschicht oft hohe Werte, insbesondere in der Nähe von Hauptstraßen oder an Orten mit geringer Belüftung. Die städtische Grenzschicht zeichnet sich durch besonders heterogene Bedingungen aus. Schadstoffemissionen können sehr lokal begrenzt auftreten und sind zeitlich und räumlich sehr variabel. Lokale Hinderniskonfigurationen und meteorologische Bedingungen bestimmen das Windfeld welches wiederum Transport und Ausbreitung von Schadstoffen bestimmt. Um den Einfluss auf die menschliche Gesundheit zu bestimmen müssen die Konzentrationen mit guter räumlicher und zeitlicher Auflösung vorliegen. In komplexem Gebiet haben Punktmessungen nur eine sehr begrenzte Repräsentativität, sofern nicht eine Vielzahl von Messpunkten vorhanden ist. Das hochauflösennde numerische Modell das in dieser Arbeit verwendet wird kann verwendet werden um die Repräsentativität städtische Messstationen zu bestimmen oder um Konzentrationen in komplexem Gebiet direkt zu berechnen. Diese Dissertation trägt zur Qualitätssicherung bei der Bestimmung städtischer Luftqualität bei. Sie stellt Komponenten eines komplexen Modellsystems vor, mit dem die Untersuchung der Luftqualität unterstützt werden kann. Ergebnisse dieser Komponenten werden mittels einer aktuellen Methode mit Messdaten aus einen physikalischen Windkanalmodell verglichen. Die Evaluierung der Modellergebnisse zeigt, wie hochauflösende Modellergebnisse zu Konzentrationen in der städtischen Hindernisschicht überprüft werden können. Die weitere Untersuchung der Ergebnisse zeigt anhand eines realistischen Beispiels wie die Repräsentativittät eines Messpunktes bestimmt werden kann. In einer Sensitivitätsstudie wird zudem der Einfluss von Prozessen, die städtische Immisionen bestimmen, quantifiziert. In der Atmosphäre reagieren emittierte Schadstoffe weiter und ändern ihre Zusammensetzung auf unterschiedlichen Zeitskalen, wobei sich auch sekundäre Schadstoffe bilden können. Um diese Prozessse abbilden zu können muss das numerische Modell neben meteorologischen Gleichungen auch chemische Reaktionen berechnen. Solche Reaktionsmechanismen liegen vor und hier wird ein Reaktionsmechanismus verwendet, der ursprüngliche für mesoskalige Modelle entwickelt wurde. Die Analyse der realitätsnahen Modellrechnung hebt die geringe räumliche Repräsentativität von Konzentrationen in der städtischen Hindernisschicht hervor. Eine Sensitivitätsstudie zeigt die Relevanz kleinskaliger Variabilität wie den Einfluss differentielle Abschattung auf Photolyseraten. Über die Prüfung der Modellergebnisse hinaus hat sich gezeigt, dass nicht nur das Modellergebnis selbst geprüft werden muss, sondern die gesamte Prozesskette einschliesslich aller Eingadaten und Parameter muss geprüft werden. Ein solchermaßen geprüftes Modell kann auch verwendet werden um sinnvolle Orte für neue Messstellen zu identifizieren.

Due to the motivations of climate change, the health impacts of poor air quality, and the importance of cities for economic growth, transport policy at all levels of governance places emphasis on reducing and managing urban traffic and congestion. Whilst the majority of urban traffic is created by personal travel, freight vehicles make a relatively large contribution per vehicle to congestion, pollution and severe accidents. The European Commission (EC 2011) estimates that 6% of all EU transport carbon emissions are from urban freight. For these reasons, a well-structured portfolio of measures and policies oriented towards more sustainable and efficient management of supply chain activities carried out in urban areas is needed, in order to reduce negative externalities related to urban mobility and improve economic performance. In recent years, there has been enthusiasm amongst commentators that shared-resource economic models can both create new commercial opportunities and address policy problems, including in the transport sector. Within the city logistics subsector, this new model is exemplified by the emergence of Urban freight Consolidation Centres (UCCs). UCCs replace multiple 'last-mile' delivery movements, many of which involving small consignments, by a common receiving point (the consolidation centre), normally on the periphery of a city, with the final part of the delivery being shared by the consignments in a small freight vehicle. Such arrangements can represent a good compromise between the needs of city centre businesses and their customers on the one hand (i.e. high availability of a range of goods) and local and global sustainability objectives on the other. At the same time, by sharing logistics facilities and delivery vehicles, UCCs offer added-value services to both urban economic actors, such as retailers, and network logistics providers. However, UCCs add to the complexity of logistics chains, requiring additional contracts, communications and movement stages. These arrangements also introduce additional actors within the supply of delivery services, notably local authorities present as promoters and funders, rather than simply as regulators, companies specialised in the UCC operation, and companies, which provide specialist technologies, such as electric delivery vehicles. UCCs therefore also represent an example of multi-stakeholder collaboration. Drawing on the results of a 2013 survey in Bristol (United Kingdom) and a further survey carried out in 2015 in Cagliari (Italy), the present paper will provide an in-depth comparison of the differences in the perceptions of urban freight users and stakeholders towards UCCs. Retailers involved in the survey carried out in Bristol showed high satisfaction with the delivery service provided by the UCC. Different topic areas (e.g. timeliness, reliability, safety) are examined through analyses of both qualitative and quantitative data. The survey carried out in Cagliari investigated the inclination of potential users to join a UCC scheme. The comparison between the two cities considers factors such as the nature of business holding (e.g. SME versus multiple retailers), operational practices (e.g. pattern of deliveries) and operating subsector (e.g. food versus no food). An analysis on the barriers to the implementation of UCCs in Bristol and in Cagliari is provided at the end of the paper.

Due to the motivations of climate change, the health impacts of poor air quality, and the importance of cities for economic growth, transport policy at all levels of governance places emphasis on reducing and managing urban traffic and congestion. Whilst the majority of urban traffic is created by personal travel, freight vehicles make a relatively large contribution per vehicle to congestion, pollution and severe accidents. The European Commission (EC 2011) estimates that 6% of all EU transport carbon emissions are from urban freight. For these reasons, a well-structured portfolio of measures and policies oriented towards more sustainable and efficient management of supply chain activities carried out in urban areas is needed, in order to reduce negative externalities related to urban mobility and improve economic performance. In recent years, there has been enthusiasm amongst commentators that shared-resource economic models can both create new commercial opportunities and address policy problems, including in the transport sector. Within the city logistics subsector, this new model is exemplified by the emergence of Urban freight Consolidation Centres (UCCs). UCCs replace multiple 'last-mile' delivery movements, many of which involving small consignments, by a common receiving point (the consolidation centre), normally on the periphery of a city, with the final part of the delivery being shared by the consignments in a small freight vehicle. Such arrangements can represent a good compromise between the needs of city centre businesses and their customers on the one hand (i.e. high availability of a range of goods) and local and global sustainability objectives on the other. At the same time, by sharing logistics facilities and delivery vehicles, UCCs offer added-value services to both urban economic actors, such as retailers, and network logistics providers. However, UCCs add to the complexity of logistics chains, requiring additional contracts, communications and movement stages. These arrangements also introduce additional actors within the supply of delivery services, notably local authorities present as promoters and funders, rather than simply as regulators, companies specialised in the UCC operation, and companies, which provide specialist technologies, such as electric delivery vehicles. UCCs therefore also represent an example of multi-stakeholder collaboration. Drawing on the results of a 2013 survey in Bristol (United Kingdom) and a further survey carried out in 2015 in Cagliari (Italy), the present paper will provide an in-depth comparison of the differences in the perceptions of urban freight users and stakeholders towards UCCs. Retailers involved in the survey carried out in Bristol showed high satisfaction with the delivery service provided by the UCC. Different topic areas (e.g. timeliness, reliability, safety) are examined through analyses of both qualitative and quantitative data. The survey carried out in Cagliari investigated the inclination of potential users to join a UCC scheme. The comparison between the two cities considers factors such as the nature of business holding (e.g. SME versus multiple retailers), operational practices (e.g. pattern of deliveries) and operating subsector (e.g. food versus no food). An analysis on the barriers to the implementation of UCCs in Bristol and in Cagliari is provided at the end of the paper.

Due to the motivations of climate change, the health impacts of poor air quality, and the importance of cities for economic growth, transport policy at all levels of governance places emphasis on reducing and managing urban traffic and congestion. Whilst the majority of urban traffic is created by personal travel, freight vehicles make a relatively large contribution per vehicle to congestion, pollution and severe accidents. The European Commission (EC 2011) estimates that 6% of all EU transport carbon emissions are from urban freight. For these reasons, a well-structured portfolio of measures and policies oriented towards more sustainable and efficient management of supply chain activities carried out in urban areas is needed, in order to reduce negative externalities related to urban mobility and improve economic performance. In recent years, there has been enthusiasm amongst commentators that shared-resource economic models can both create new commercial opportunities and address policy problems, including in the transport sector. Within the city logistics subsector, this new model is exemplified by the emergence of Urban freight Consolidation Centres (UCCs). UCCs replace multiple 'last-mile' delivery movements, many of which involving small consignments, by a common receiving point (the consolidation centre), normally on the periphery of a city, with the final part of the delivery being shared by the consignments in a small freight vehicle. Such arrangements can represent a good compromise between the needs of city centre businesses and their customers on the one hand (i.e. high availability of a range of goods) and local and global sustainability objectives on the other. At the same time, by sharing logistics facilities and delivery vehicles, UCCs offer added-value services to both urban economic actors, such as retailers, and network logistics providers. However, UCCs add to the complexity of logistics chains, requiring additional contracts, communications and movement stages. These arrangements also introduce additional actors within the supply of delivery services, notably local authorities present as promoters and funders, rather than simply as regulators, companies specialised in the UCC operation, and companies, which provide specialist technologies, such as electric delivery vehicles. UCCs therefore also represent an example of multi-stakeholder collaboration. Drawing on the results of a 2013 survey in Bristol (United Kingdom) and a further survey carried out in 2015 in Cagliari (Italy), the present paper will provide an in-depth comparison of the differences in the perceptions of urban freight users and stakeholders towards UCCs. Retailers involved in the survey carried out in Bristol showed high satisfaction with the delivery service provided by the UCC. Different topic areas (e.g. timeliness, reliability, safety) are examined through analyses of both qualitative and quantitative data. The survey carried out in Cagliari investigated the inclination of potential users to join a UCC scheme. The comparison between the two cities considers factors such as the nature of business holding (e.g. SME versus multiple retailers), operational practices (e.g. pattern of deliveries) and operating subsector (e.g. food versus no food). An analysis on the barriers to the implementation of UCCs in Bristol and in Cagliari is provided at the end of the paper.

Transport has been identified as one of the biggest sectors that contribute to climate change (23%) due to its energy demand and polluting emissions and therefore one of the sectors that needs to take action to mitigate its impact. A few countries in Latin America (Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Colombia) have started their transport NAMA development and are at different stages in the process. Peru has started this process more recently and this report aims at facilitating the NAMA development and a strategy for its implementation. A key issue in the Peruvian case is the need to set a wave of change in the way transport is usually perceived and addressed in Peru. Thus this report considers both the requirements and changes needed in order to implement a successful and appropriate transport NAMA. What is a NAMA? A NAMA (Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions) is a concept that originated under the Conference of the Parties (COP) in Bali 2007, as a mechanism to engage "Nationally appropriate mitigation actions by developing country Parties in the context of sustainable development, supported and enabled by technology, financing and capacity-building, in a measurable, reportable and verifiable manner;". With two years of application; NAMAs have managed to attract transport sector decision-makers due to their alignment with national priorities and potential large financial and technical support to implement them. Overall Vision of a Transport NAMA in Peru The overarching aim for the transport NAMA in Peru is the achievement of the minimum optimum mobility required to stimulate economic growth and thus improve the quality of life. This report suggests that three areas of priority should be tackled in order to achieve the overarching aim – Urban Mobility, Energy Efficiency and the role of land use and planning – in the development and implementation of carbon emissions targets. In order to reduce emissions by any significant amount, it is necessary to devise measures for each of these priorities. For Urban Mobility, the measure to be adopted is the development of an integrated mobility system; for Energy Efficiency, the measure is the development of a programme to increase the energy efficiency of vehicles; for Land use and planning, the measure is to develop demonstrator Green Zones to show how low carbon living might work in reality. Each measure amounts to a set of interventions and each intervention has a set of Actions. The Actions are measurable, reportable and verifiable. In the draft NAMA, there are 16 Interventions and 51 Actions explained in Chapter 4 and some suggestions for indicators of successful outcomes (See chapter 4 intervention time frame tables). The dominance of the capital city of Lima and Callao in relation to the rest of the country means that significant effort needs to be made in the capital in order to influence the success of the policy at the national level. Many of the actions will therefore apply to and be developed in Lima and Callao. Most can be repeated elsewhere in the country as appropriate. A major finding is that to achieve the aim, it is crucially important to ensure coherent, consistent and comprehensive governance over the transport system, without which environmental and operational actions will fail. Therefore a major Mobility Reform must be put in place – some initial steps have already been taken but the path is longer than the political cycle; therefore in the case of Lima and Callao this reform could be facilitated by the creation of a Unified Technical Authority (UTA). This will incorporate all government bodies involved in transport in the capital city; to oversee the overall transport system in the city in order to have a low carbon means to provide the urban mobility required by the community. The UTA can then develop actions to optimise mobility for the population and improve the energy performance of the transport system by implementing the interventions. Some of the Actions suggested in the draft transport NAMA are substantive – designed to achieve the NAMA objectives. Other Actions are facilitative – intended to set up the governance and contextual situations required for successful implementation of the substantive actions. The report presents the arguments to support the choice of these outcomes, objectives, measures, interventions and actions and a suggested initial timescale for implementation. The 16 Interventions are (Please see Table 28 in appendix IV for summary of all actions): 1. Creation of a Unified Technical Authority 2. Mobility Reform for Lima and Callao 3. Creation of a Multi-institutional Transport NAMA Committee 4. Revision of draft Transport NAMA 5. Development of Travel Plans for commercial activity and employees 6. Development of an energy-efficient Mobility Plan 7. Support for education and training 8. Development, design and implementation of new infrastructure to encourage low energy mobility 9. Seek international finance for the implementation of the transport NAMA 10. Implement a vehicle labelling system and a compulsory system to achieve energy efficiency in light duty vehicles 11. Ensure that fuel quality is improved 12. Adopt mechanisms to achieve the declared emissions target 13. Design and Planning 14. Governance and Delivery 15. Carbon accounting and sustainability 16. Tendering and Feasibility Key Concepts Institutional Structure The overarching aim for the future of the world s citizens is the improvement in the quality of life – and Peru is no exception in this respect. This aim is so overarching that it extends beyond the limitations of political ideas and preferences: it is hard to imagine a political party not wishing to improve the quality of life of the population. It therefore extends beyond the political cycles of elections and terms of office, but requires commitment from all parties so that the initial actions are started immediately and there is a continuity of purpose – even if the methods and priorities change as one political philosophy is exchanged for another. The nature and scale of the problem (long term) transcends political differences, therefore it is necessary to have the right institutional structures in place in order to ensure that the technico-political discussions can take place in a meaningful way. A decision to implement a transport NAMA will require actions which will only return results beyond the current political cycle and this requires bold political action Technical Leadership Politicians have a duty to bring the societal consensus to the heart of government decision-making but sometimes this will conflict with the practical, technological and methodological requirements of the implementation of their decisions. However important and beneficial the political desire might be, the occasion does arise when it is simply not possible to put it into practice. Therefore there is a need to ensure that there is a body of technical wisdom at the disposal of the politicians. This wisdom includes the knowledge of what is possible, what happened before and an understanding of how to improve the predictions of what could happen in the future. This wisdom needs to be independent of political influence because its role is to provide advice that is independent of political wishes and, in effect, to provide the knowledgeable intelligence that enables politicians to be able to act in a responsible way with society s resources. It should be the norm that a politician turns to the technical leadership for objective advice of the highest order so that all decisions are made on the basis of the best evidence, advice and support. This requires technical leadership that is independent of the political process and therefore free from the changes that often occur as a result of the political cycle. Therefore continuity and leadership is also required at the technical level. Analytical Tools Three main tools have been selected to support the draft NAMA process; (1) the Outcome-based Strategy (OBS) which is a tool that formalises and facilitates the decision-making process; (2) the RED (Reduce, Exchange and Decarbonise) strategy which aims to drive and guide priorities increasing carbon reduction and improving quality of life; and (3) Multi-Criteria Analysis (MCA) which is an alternative method to cost-benefit analysis (CBA) enabling more effective assessments of strategic actions. Final remarks Further work is required in order to transform this draft transport NAMA into a NAMA proposal and this entails firstly the adoption and, if necessary, adjustment of the suggested interventions, followed by assessment of financial and incremental costs, development of appropriate metrics of success (including measurement, calculation, reporting and verification) and achievement of suitable GHG projections. Peru is currently recognised as a very promising emerging economy attracting international investment and the transport system plays a vital role in this economic development (transporting goods and people). Initial steps have already been taken to improve Mobility in the Metropolitan city (Lima and Callao), however more work needs to be done to ensure Peru s growth reaches its maximum potential. The large technical and financial support available and the potential social cobenefits that can be achieved, make a Transport NAMA the ideal tool to facilitate this goal.

As air transport for leisure trips, business travel and goods shipment increased rapidly over the past several decades, the emergence of airport cities has been hypothesised. Busy commercial airports may be emerging as central transport nodes in large metropolitan areas, much as ports and rail terminals were in the past, anchoring employment servicing passengers, facilitating frequent travellers and providing a spatial focus for unrelated firms. An analysis of small-area employment data for the areas surrounding 25 major US airports and the related central cities reveals the concentration of employment within 2.5 miles of these airports to be substantial—approximately half that within 2.5 miles of the central point of the corresponding CBDs—and growing. The analysis refocuses a question about the nature of spatial differentiation within metropolitan regions supporting multiple employment nodes.

This report considers current best practice in sustainable urban planning and measures Australian planning trends and governance frameworks against that standard. Best practice in sustainable urban planning Planning authorities should make the environmental footprint of proposed urban development and redevelopment a primary consideration. The environmental footprint of any given development should - as far as practicable - be minimised so as to approach or achieve a zero net affect on the local, regional and global natural environment; Urban design should seek to minimise carbon emissions and the use of non-renewable resources, maximise energy efficiency, and deal with industrial and residential waste in a cyclical fashion. Planning authorities should seek to create a built environment and public infrastructure which not only minimises ecological impact, but maximises social and economic outcomes for the affected jurisdiction. The benchmark model for sustainable urban design is one which combines high-density development and defined urban boundaries with a decentralised pattern of settlements linked with rapid, low-emission public and freight transit. Development should be focused around planned or existing transit routes, and green and/or open space within and around settlements should remain a priority to minimise the travel distance for agricultural goods and recyclable waste. This model maximises social, economic and environmental outcomes. Effective regulatory frameworks for the implementation of the benchmark model include: developing regional sustainability plans to provide a consistent framework for decision making; a system of regional and central government partnerships based on identified planning needs over certain geographic areas and; strong national planning leadership and funding prioritisation. Australian trends and planning frameworks The four largest Australian metropolitan jurisdictions have broadly followed the set sustainability benchmark and models for its implementation, primarily through the adoption of regional metropolitan strategies. However each strategy has some shortcomings in the application of building standards for residential, commercial and industrial development in terms of energy and water efficiency. Also, moving emissions-intensive road freight onto heavy rail appears to generally be a much lower priority than public transport development. The potential for reform Stronger building codes for development and redevelopment and increased focus on freight transport solutions are recommended. Additionally, the new Commonwealth central infrastructure funding body could consider strengthening the sustainability criteria it will apply to funding prioritisation and/or engaging in direct regional partnerships with the States.

This study examines the value chains of cassava leaves and chikwangue, in light of the evolution of food consumption patterns, population growth and urbanization in the city of Kinshasa. The analysis of the evolution of culinary and food practices, considering its historical roots, has made it possible to identify current innovations and trends in food consumption patterns. It was based on an in-depth documentary analysis of the various reports on consumption carried out in Kinshasa. Certain documents and works published before the independence of the country have also been of great help in locating certain historical landmarks. The analysis of the value chain was made possible thanks to an empirical study carried out with direct and indirect actors in both urban and peri-urban areas of Kinshasa. Thus, a survey at the level of producers, processors, traders, service providers and state service agents was carried out to identify the functioning of the value chain taking into account its environment. Another household-level survey aimed at identifying the end market and identifying the drivers of demand for cassava leaves and its potential. The analysis of the changing eating habits of the people of Kinshasa reveals a specific culture linked to the history of the formation and evolution of social, economic and cultural identities. Food consumption in the city of Kinshasa highlights the influence of cultural mixing in culinary and food practices. The population of Kinshasa is cosmopolitan; the original heterogeneity now rooted in a native majority and the mixing with foreign cultures have favored the appearance of a particular urban culture in Kinshasa and new eating styles. The telltale signs of the evolution of culinary and food practices in Kinshasa were already perceptible before independence. Kinshasa cuisine has been developed on the basis of cultural, pre-colonial, colonial and more recently global influences. Current trends show that the people of Kinshasa are seeking to adapt by emphasizing a few innovations, both in terms of consumption and distribution (food supply). These innovations are recognized as an unavoidable phenomenon linked to urbanization. They were achieved gradually, and they remain strongly marked by the history of consumers' social positions. This evolution in food demand and consumption has important consequences on the food problem of the country in general and of the city of Kinshasa in particular. As the food styles of city dwellers differ from those of rural people, one of the essential questions for the future is to know under what conditions the agricultural supply of the country or of peri-urban areas can contribute to satisfy the urban demand of Kinshasa (in constant evolution) ? This question is not limited to estimating whether the quantities of food produced will be sufficient in the future to feed the populations of the city of Kinshasa. It also refers to the conditions for adapting this offer to the new requirements of city dwellers in this city, taking into account in particular their income, their way of life, and their socio-cultural models. Indeed, the food of the Kinois of tomorrow, in quantity and in quality, will be partly dependent on the capacity of the Congolese food system in general and Kinshasa in particular to innovate, from the seed to the plate. The household survey showed that cassava leaves and chikwangue have strong symbolic and cultural value. There are several methods of preparing "pondu" according to the provinces, the most common of which are: pondu ya madesu (cassava leaves with beans), limbondo (laid bicarbonates) and saka saka or matamba (cassava leaves) without baking soda or beans). In terms of variety, the majority of consumers (72%) choose the Manihot glazziovi. Projecting demand over 5 to 10 years, places potential demand for cassava leaves at 863,615 tonnes in 2022 and 1,070,221 tonnes in 2027; that of the chikwangue is estimated at 334,307 tonnes in 2022 and 414,285 tonnes in 20227. Survey results show that the cassava leaf and chikwangue value chains are driven by several actors. Certain actors (direct and service providers) contribute to the proper functioning of the value chain while others (State service agents in particular) are illustrated by the phenomenon of racketeering, thus contributing to the increase in product prices at the end of the chain. The value chain and the "contracts" between the actors and the stakeholders respond to economic logics and constraints embedded in social logics of security (being able to still work tomorrow, having good contacts with people we will need) rather than optimization (earning the maximum today). The transformation of the leaves and the chikwangue is still rudimentary. Stakeholders are using less sophisticated techniques. Since research has invested little in these value chains, the experience of industrialization is currently in its infancy. The marketing of these products remains an almost informal activity with a strong presence of women. All actors in the value chain make profits, which attests to economic profitability at the level of each link. The leaf value chain achieves an added value of around USD 8.0 / kg of leaves. However, processing is the activity that creates the most value and, therefore, processors are the ones who take the largest share (at least 90%). For the same quantity, the value added in the chikwangue value chain is evaluated at USD 1.19 / kg, the largest portion of which is captured by the processor of cassava roots into kimpuka (36.13%) and the trader retailer (36.13%). The agrifood market value chains of cassava leaves and chikwangue face many constraints in terms of production, marketing and processing. Despite these various constraints, these two value chains have significant assets, linked in particular to the ecology of cassava, to transport infrastructure (Kinshasa is well connected to its hinterland thanks to national road 1, the path to iron and the Congo river) and to the geographic proximity and accessibility to the urban market. Beyond the advantages, several opportunities arise and can be capitalized on to boost the commercial activities of the cassava leaf and chikwangue value chains. Among other things, we can note: urban demand, international demand for cassava products, the symbolic and cultural value of the product, taking cassava value chains into account in various projects and programs in the eastern part of the country, and the existence of scientific institutions and research and management centers. ; La présente étude traite des chaînes de valeur de feuilles de manioc et de la chikwangue, au regard de l'évolution des modes de consommation alimentaires, de la croissance démographique et de l'urbanisation de la ville de Kinshasa. L'analyse de l'évolution des pratiques culinaires et alimentaires, en considérant ses racines historiques, a permis d'identifier les innovations et tendances actuelles dans les modes de consommation alimentaires. Elle s'est appuyée sur l'analyse documentaire approfondie des diverses études sur la consommation réalisées à Kinshasa. Certains documents et travaux publiés avant l'indépendance du pays ont aussi été d'une grande utilité pour situer certains repères historique. L'analyse de la chaîne de valeur a été rendue possible grâce une étude empirique réalisée auprès des acteurs directs et indirects aussi bien en zone urbaine que périurbaine de Kinshasa. Ainsi, une enquête au niveau des producteurs, transformateurs, des commerçants, des prestataires de services et des agents de services de l'Etat a effectuée pour cerner le fonctionnement de la chaîne de valeur en tenant compte de son environnement. Une autre enquête a été réalisée au niveau des ménages dans le but cerner le marché final et d'identifier les ressorts de la demande pour les feuilles de manioc et son potentiel. L'analyse de changement des habitudes alimentaires des Kinois rend compte d'une culture propre liée à l'histoire de la formation et de l'évolution des identités sociales, économiques et culturelles. La consommation alimentaire dans la ville de Kinshasa met en évidence l'influence du brassage culturel dans les pratiques culinaires et alimentaires. La population de Kinshasa est cosmopolite ; l'hétérogénéité d'origine désormais enracinée dans une majorité native et le brassage avec des cultures étrangères ont favorisé l'apparition d'une culture urbaine particulière à Kinshasa et de nouveaux styles alimentaires. Les signes révélateurs de l'évolution des pratiques culinaires et alimentaires à Kinshasa étaient déjà perceptibles avant l'indépendance. La cuisine kinoise s'est élaborée sur la base d'influences culturelles, précoloniales, coloniales et plus récemment mondiales. Les tendances actuelles montrent que les populations kinoises cherchent à s'adapter en mettant l'accent sur quelques innovations tant au niveau de la consommation qu'au niveau de la distribution (pratique d'approvisionnement) alimentaires. Ces innovations sont reconnues comme phénomène incontournable lié à l'urbanisation. Elles se sont réalisées progressivement, et elles restent fortement marquées par l'histoire des positions sociales des consommateurs. Cette évolution dans la demande et la consommation alimentaires a des conséquences importantes sur la problématique alimentaire du pays en général et de la ville de Kinshasa en particulier. Les styles alimentaires des citadins se différenciant de ceux des ruraux, une des questions essentielles pour l'avenir est de savoir à quelles conditions l'offre agricole du pays ou des zones périurbaines pourront contribuer à satisfaire la demande urbaine de Kinshasa (en constante évolution) ? Cette question ne se limite pas à estimer si les quantités d'aliments produites seront suffisantes à l'avenir pour nourrir les populations de la ville de Kinshasa. Elle renvoie aussi aux conditions d'une adaptation de cette offre aux nouvelles exigences des citadins de cette ville compte tenu en particulier de leurs revenus, de leur mode de vie, et de leurs modèles socioculturels. En effet, l'alimentation des Kinois de demain, en quantité et en qualité, sera en partie tributaire de la capacité du système alimentaire congolais en général et kinois en particulier à innover, de la semence à l'assiette. L'enquête dans les ménages a montré que les feuilles de manioc et la chikwangue ont une valeur symbolique et culturelle forte. Il existe plusieurs modes de préparation de « pondu » selon les provinces, dont les plus répandus sont : le pondu ya madesu (feuilles de manioc avec le haricot), le limbondo (pondu aux bicarbonates) et le saka saka ou matamba (feuilles de manioc sans bicarbonate ni haricot). Pour ce qui est de la variété, la majorité des consommateurs (72%) portent leur choix sur le Manihot glazziovi. La projection de la demande réalisée sur 5 à 10 ans, situe la demande potentielle en feuilles de manioc à 863.615 tonnes en 2022 et 1.070.221 tonnes en 2027 ; celle de la chikwangue est évaluée à 334.307 tonnes en 2022 et à 414.285 tonnes en 20227. Les résultats de l'enquête révèlent que les chaînes de valeur de feuilles de manioc et de la chikwangue sont animées par plusieurs acteurs. Certains acteurs (directs et prestataires de service) contribuent au bon fonctionnement de la chaîne de valeur tandis que d'autres (agents de services de l'Etat notamment) s'illustrent par le phénomène de racket, contribuant ainsi au renchérissement des prix des produits au bout de la chaîne. La chaîne de valeur et les « contrats » entre les acteurs, les parties prenantes répondent à des logiques et contraintes économiques enchâssées dans des logiques sociales de sécurisation (pouvoir encore travailler demain, avoir des bons contacts avec des gens dont on aura besoin) plutôt que d'optimisation (gagner le maximum aujourd'hui). La transformation des feuilles et de la chikwangue reste encore rudimentaire. Les parties prenantes mobilisent des techniques moins sophistiquées. La recherche ayant peu investi dans ces chaînes de valeur, l'expérience d'industrialisation est actuellement au stade embryonnaire. La commercialisation de ces produits reste une activité quasi informelle avec une forte présence des femmes. Tous les acteurs de la chaîne de valeur réalisent des bénéfices, ce qui atteste la rentabilité économique au niveau de chaque maillon. La chaîne de valeur de feuilles permet de réaliser une valeur ajoutée de l'ordre de 8,0 USD/kg de feuilles. Toutefois, la transformation est l'activité qui crée le plus de valeur et, par conséquent, les transformateurs sont ceux qui en prennent la plus grande part (au moins 90%). Pour la même quantité, la valeur ajoutée dans la chaîne de valeur de la chikwangue est évaluée à 1,19 USD/kg dont la plus grande portion est captée par le transformateur des racines de manioc en kimpuka (36,13%) et le commerçant détaillant (36,13%). Les chaînes de valeur agroalimentaire marchande des feuilles de manioc et de la chikwangue font face à de nombreuses contraintes tant au niveau de la production, de la commercialisation que de la transformation. Malgré ces diverses contraintes, ces deux chaînes de valeur disposent d'atouts non négligeables, liés notamment à l'écologie du manioc, aux infrastructures de transport (Kinshasa est bien connecté à son hinterland grâce à la route nationale n°1, le chemin de fer et le fleuve Congo) et à la proximité géographique et l'accessibilité au marché urbain. Au-delà des atouts, plusieurs opportunités se présentent et peuvent être capitalisées pour booster les activités commerciales des chaînes de valeur des feuilles de manioc et de la chikwangue. On peut noter entre autres : la demande urbaine, la demande internationale en produits du manioc, la valeur symbolique et culturelle du produit, la prise en compte des chaînes de valeur du manioc dans divers projets et programmes dans la partie orientale du pays, et l'existence d'institutions scientifiques et de centres de recherche et d'encadrement.

Die VR China hat aufgrund ihres rapiden Wirtschaftswachstums große Umweltprobleme und inzwischen den weltweit größten CO₂-Ausstoß zu verantworten. Die Emissionen im Verkehrssektor tragen enorm dazu bei. Fahrzeuge, Staus, Lärm und Luftverschmutzung konzentrieren sich insbesondere in chinesischen Megastädten. Die chinesische Regierung hat als Antwort auf diese Problematik damit begonnen, durch Umstrukturierungs- und Aufwertungsmaßnahmen Wirtschaftszweige mit geringem CO₂-Ausstoß zu etablieren. Dieser New Energy-Sektor umfasst Industrien im Bereich der Elektromobilität, der erneuerbaren Energien aber auch die Kernkraft. Außerdem hat die Zentralregierung Stadtentwicklungsprogramme etabliert, mit denen Energie eingespart, der Ressourcenverbrauch gesenkt, Emissionen reduziert und nachhaltige Lebensstile gefördert werden sollen. Die südchinesische Megastadt Shenzhen, die unmittelbar an Hongkong angrenzt, genießt als Sonderwirtschaftszone weitreichende Freiheiten und gilt in den o. a. Bereichen als nationales Vorbild. Sie partizipiert seit 2011 an einem Low Carbon City-Programm und verfolgt bis 2020 das Ziel, ihre CO₂-Emissionen gegenüber 2005 um 45 Prozent zu senken. Elektromobilität hat das Potenzial, zur Minderung der Emissionen beizutragen sowie die Mobilitätsstrukturen und das Mobilitätsverhalten nachhaltig zu verändern. Deshalb partizipiert Shenzhen seit 2009 auch als Pilotstadt der Zentralregierung an den Modellregionen zur Förderung der Elektromobilität. Nach erfolgreichen Pilotprojekten für E-Busse und E-Taxen sowie einem flächendeckenden Aufbau der Ladeinfrastruktur verfügt Shenzhen inzwischen über 51.929 Elektrofahrzeuge, 166 Ladestationen, 4.197 Schnell- und 19.232 Normalladesäulen und gilt als nationales Vorbild auch in diesen Bereichen (Stand Juni 2016). Die Anzahl der Elektrofahrzeuge entspricht ca. 1,65 Prozent aller Fahrzeuge in Shenzhen. Mit Chinas größtem Batterie- und Elektrofahrzeughersteller BYD hat ein weiterer Akteur in der Megastadt ein großes Interesse an einer systematischen industriellen Weiterentwicklung dieser Zukunftsbranche. Die Umweltaspekte und Ressourcenunabhängigkeit gelten als positive Nebenaspekte auf dem Weg zu einer Low Carbon City. Ziel der vorliegenden Dissertation ist es, die Strukturen, Prozesse und Instrumente zur Förderung der Elektromobilität und deren Zusammenhang mit nachhaltigen Strategien der Stadtentwicklung am Fallbeispiel Shenzhen zu untersuchen. Elektromobilität sollte hierbei nicht nur als ein Wechsel der Antriebssysteme vom konventionellen Motor hin zum elektrisch betriebenen Motor betrachtet werden. Elektromobilität kann vielmehr als ein ganzheitliches System verstanden werden, das die Nutzung erneuerbarer Energiequellen, die Verkehrsvermeidung durch Transit Oriented Development, Verkehrsreduzierung durch innovative und multimodale Mobilitätsansätze sowie den Ausbau des ÖPNVs berücksichtigen kann. Fünf geplante und teilweise umgesetzte Projekte, die sich mit Ladeinfrastruktur in Wohn- und Geschäftsgebieten, mit der Nutzung erneuerbarer Energiequellen, mit stadtplanerischen Lösungen zur Verkehrsreduzierung im MIV, mit e-Carsharing und anderen innovativen Mobilitätslösungen und mit der Anwendung von E-Bussen und E-Taxen befassen, werden dazu untersucht. Die beiden Stadtentwicklungsgebiete in Pingdi und in Qianhai sind besonders hervorzuheben, da sie trotz unterschiedlicher Voraussetzungen ein großes Potenzial für die künftige Anwendung der Elektromobilität in Shenzhen besitzen. In einer Top-down-gesteuerten Governance-Struktur setzt die Stadtregierung Shenzhens die Rahmenbedingungen und dereguliert die Märkte zu Gunsten staats- und privatwirtschaftlicher Akteure im Bereich der Elektromobilität. Zuerst wird der ÖPNV bei Bussen und Taxen auf Elektromobilität umgestellt. Im zweiten Schritt geht es um den Antriebswechsel im Wirtschaftsverkehr insbesondere bei der Logistik. Erst im letzten und schwierigsten Schritt versucht die Stadtregierung, bis 2020 mit Hilfe von Anreizen und Restriktionen einen Anteil von drei Prozent elektrischer Fahrzeuge an den Gesamtzulassungszahlen zu erreichen. Bei allem wird deutlich, dass Shenzhen die Nutzung erneuerbarer Energiequellen für den Antrieb von Elektrofahrzeugen zugunsten der Kernenergie vernachlässigt. Jedoch tragen stadtplanerische Lösungen in Low Carbon City-Projekten zur Vermeidung von Verkehr im MIV bei. Die Reduzierung des MIV durch e-Carsharing und andere innovative Mobilitätslösungen steht erst am Anfang. Das Verkehrssystem Shenzhens kann zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch nicht als nachhaltig bezeichnet werden, da Industrieziele - gepaart mit umfangreichen staatlichen Regulierungen - die Strukturen, Prozesse und Instrumente dominieren. Elektromobilität führt aber durch das systematische Konzept der Stadtregierung zu einer umweltgerechteren Stadtentwicklung. ; Due to its rapid economic growth, the P. R. China is facing significant environmental challenges and is now responsible for the world's largest share of CO₂ emissions. Emissions in the transport sector contribute tremendously. Vehicles, traffic congestion, noise and air pollution are concentrated in particular in Chinese megacities. In response to these problems, the Chinese government has begun to establish low carbon sectors through restructuring and improvement measures. The new energy sector includes industries in the areas of electromobility and renewables, but also nuclear power. Also, the Central Government has established urban development programs, which promote sustainable lifestyles and energy conservation, as well as reducing resource consumption and emissions. The South Chinese megacity of Shenzhen, which lies directly adjacent to Hongkong, enjoys wide-ranging freedoms as a special economic zone and is considered a national model in the above-mentioned areas. Since 2011, Shenzhen has participated in a low carbon city program. The city aims to reduce CO₂ emissions by 45 percent by 2020 compared to 2005 levels. Electromobility has the potential to contribute to the reduction of emissions, as well as to change mobility structures and mobility behavior. To that end, in 2009 Shenzhen was selected by the Central Government to be the pilot city in a model region for the promotion of electric mobility. After successful pilot projects for e-buses and e-taxis, as well as wide-scale expansion of charging infrastructure, Shenzhen now has more than 51,929 electric vehicles, 166 charging stations, 4,197 fast and 19,232 columns and is considered a national model in these areas (June 2016). Electric vehicles now make up about 1.65 percent of all vehicles in Shenzhen. China's largest battery and electric vehicle manufacturer, BYD, is another player in the megacity, and it has a great interest in the systematic industrial development of this future sector. Improvement of environmental conditions and resource independence are considered positive ancillary aspects on the way to a low carbon city. The aim of the present work is to investigate the structures, processes, and instruments that promote electromobility and their connection to sustainable strategies of urban development in the example of Shenzhen. Electromobility, in this context, should be considered not only as a change of the drive systems from the conventional engine to the electric engine. Rather, electromobility can be considered as a holistic system, which can take into account the use of renewable energy sources, the avoidance of traffic by means of transit-oriented development, the reduction of traffic through innovative and multimodal mobility approaches, and the expansion of local public transport. Five planned and implemented projects, including charging infrastructure in residential and commercial areas, the use of renewable sources of energy, urban planning solutions to reduce traffic from private vehicles, e-car sharing and other innovative mobility solutions, and the use of e-busses and e-taxis are investigated. The two urban development areas in the sub-district Pingdi and in Qianhai are particularly noteworthy, because they have great potential for the future application of electromobility in Shenzhen, despite different conditions. The Shenzhen City Government, in a top-down governance structure, sets the framework and deregulates the markets in favor of state and private actors in electromobility. First, public transport, in the form of buses and taxis, is converted to electromobility. The second step is to change the drive systems in commercial traffic, especially in the field of logistics. Finally, in the last, most difficult step, the city government relies largely on incentives and restrictions to reach a three percent share of electric vehicles by 2020. In all, it is clear that Shenzhen neglects the potential to use renewable energy sources for electric vehicles in favor of nuclear power. In addition, urban planning solutions in low carbon city projects contribute to the avoidance of traffic from private vehicles. The reduction in the use of private vehicles in favor of e-car sharing and other innovative mobility solutions is just beginning. The transportation system at Shenzhens cannot yet be considered sustainable, as industrial targets, coupled with extensive state regulation, dominate the structures, processes, and instruments. However, through the systematic concept of the city government, electromobility leads to more environmentally sound urban development.

Today, one of the main challenges faced in urban logistics is the distribution of goods. In Brazil, mid to large cities have experienced consequences of unplanned urban sprawl and lack of adequate transportation infrastructure. The relationship between urban planning and transport stands out the attractiveness of some urban activities with direct impacts on the movement of people and goods and other component elements of urban space. The segment of bars and restaurants falls within this context, therefore is a vital activity responsible for significant percentage of jobs and revenue in a city. Altogether, foods & beverages commercial activities move daily large volumes of goods to meet the need of customers. This paper presents the results of a freight trip generation model developed for pubs and restaurants in Belo Horizonte (Brazil). Once performed the model determined the number of trips generated per day per establishment. In order to expand the discrete result to a continuous one, the results were geographically interpolated to a continuous surface and extrapolated within the city limits. The data for the freight trip generation model were obtained by survey. For this, we designed a structured questionnaire to obtain information about goods, frequency, operational time, place of performance of the loading/unloading of goods, establishment size and the number of employees. Besides these information, we investigated the acceptance of alternative practices in the delivery of goods, such as off-peak delivery. To accomplish the proposed models, we applied a simple linear regression, correlating the following variables: (i) Number of trips versus area of the establishment; (ii) Number of trips versus number of employees; (iii) Number of trips versus operation day of the establishment. With the results of the linear regression for travel generations, conducted the data interpolation based on the standard deviation of the results to define the sample classification bands. This interpolation method was chosen because it is one of the most suitable for analysis of spatially scattered points due to the straightforwardness of the model and because it does not consider extra noise such as slope and spatial constraints as barriers. In this method, interpolation is determined by the value assigned to each point (in this case the number of trips), wherein the closer the points the higher the correlation trend. Finally, the resulting trip generation surface was analysed together with other geographic data such as demographic data, road network density and socioeconomic data. Findings indicate the importance of a mathematic-geographic model for trip generation as a feasible approach for support transportation planning & operation for urban goods distribution. Critical information such as the high concentration of pubs and restaurants in the same region can reinforce the vocation of the city for trading. However, an elevated number of freight vehicles to meet a high and growing demand becomes a problem specially in areas where urban road network is not efficient (not properly designed and parking spaces not properly used). This study also highlights the need for an urban freight mobility plan and public policies, by offering sustainable alternatives for urban goods distribution, which improve the urban environment. By using geospatial analysis, the study delivered statistics data and maps to catch the attention of decision makers and transportation managers, therefore facilitate the discussion on transportation policies in the city of Belo Horizonte.

Mit dem Konzept des Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) wird das Ziel verfolgt, neue Wohn- und Gewerbenutzungen an regional integrierten Standorten zu entwickeln, die den zukünftigen Bewohnerinnen und Bewohnern sowie den Beschäftigten eine gute lokale Infrastrukturausstattung, abwechslungsreiche öffentliche Räume sowie attraktive Mobilitätsalternativen zur Nutzung des eigenen Kraftfahrzeugs anbieten. In diesem Beitrag wird eine zur Operationalisierung von Transit-Oriented Development entwickelte Methodik vorgestellt und zur Bewertung und Klassi zierung von 747 nordrhein-westfälischen Bahnhaltepunkten angewandt. Mithilfe der operationalisierten TOD-Dimensionen können für Nordrhein-Westfalen fünf Cluster gebildet werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich die Cluster mit überdurchschnittlich hohen TOD-Werten in den Dimensionen Destination Accessibility, Density und Diversity vorwiegend im Rhein-Ruhr-Raum sowie in den solitären Städten des Landes nden lassen. In den peripheren Räumen treten hauptsächlich die Cluster mit geringeren TOD-Werten auf. Die Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, dass es eine Diskrepanz zwischen der Verfügbarkeit von potenziell entwickelbaren Flächen und dem TOD-Grad gibt. Im Umfeld der Haltepunkte der hochleistungsfähigen Bahnstrecken in Regionen mit hoher Wohnungsnachfrage stehen kaum Flächenpotenziale zur Verfügung. Große Flächenpotenziale gibt es hingegen an den Haltepunkten mit geringen TOD-Werten und einem geringeren Druck auf dem Wohnungsmarkt. Die Cluster ermöglichen es, spezi sche Handlungsempfehlungen für die Stadtplanung und politische Entscheidungen zu formulieren, um eine erfolgreiche Implementation von TransitOriented Development zu unterstützen. ; The concept of Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) aims to develop new residential and commercial areas in regionally integrated sites that provide future residents and employees with good local infrastructure, diversified public spaces and attractive mobility alternatives so that they do not have to use their own car. This paper presents a methodology for the operationalisation of Transit-Oriented Development and applies it to evaluate and cluster of 747 railway stations in North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany. Using the operationalised TOD dimensions, five interpretable clusters can be defined for North Rhine-Westphalia. The results show that the clusters with above-average TOD values in the dimensions destination accessibility, density and diversity can be found mainly in the Rhine-Ruhr region and in the solitary cities of North Rhine-Westphalia. In the peripheral areas, primarily clusters with lower TOD values occur. The findings indicate that there is a discrepancy between the availability of potentially developable building land and the degree of Transit-Oriented Development. In the surroundings of the railway stations of the high-capacity railway lines in regions with high demand for housing, there is barely any potential building land available. The majority of potential building land is located at railway stations with below-average TOD values and less pressure on the housing market. The clusters make it possible to formulate specific recommendations for action for urban planners and political decision makers in order to support a successful implementation of Transit-Oriented Development.

This paper assesses the relation between access to markets and cultivated land in Sub-Saharan Africa. Making use of a geo-referenced panel over three decades (1970-2005) during which the road network was significantly improved, the analysis finds a modest but significant positive association between increased market accessibility and local cropland expansion. It also finds that cropland expansion, in turn, is associated with a small but significant increase in local gross domestic product. These results are suggestive of agricultural activities that develop at the extensive margin, which are mostly to serve local demand, but are not indicative of commercial agriculture that serves external markets.

"The City Implant is an urban design project that can be used to strengthen an existing center or create a new one. It is a spatial and programmatic upgrade that gives an area the status of a center or increases the density of an existing center. Rather than intervening in undeveloped land, a City Implant should be a transformer of empty land and even under-exploited traffic junctions. A City Implant should describe the quality of centrality itself." Alex Wall "Boomtown v. Regiocity: Thinking and designing or the Networked City Region." (Almy, 286) Transportation infrastructures across the United States create issues with urban planning and design and the general operations of life that occur around them. As much as they sponsor movement and transport, they impede the ability to perceive cohesive identities of urban landscape. Rusted, decaying, impassable walls of infrastructure are imbedded all across the nation's landscape. The availability and necessity of transportation and increased mobility in the times of planners such as Robert Moses, gave transportation infrastructure the title of progress and innovation. In the wake of this progress, the impact that the infrastructure has on the landscape that supports it has often been ignored. This gives rise to divided and undesirable landscapes that too often are inhabited by un-mediating programs and wastelands of uninhabitable space. Communities outside thriving civic centers are often divided into regions of un-integrated commercial, residential and industrial land that has developed haphazardly around the large systems of infrastructure as opposed to around a thriving city center. Areas of "frozen-space" arise in "in-between" places, and it is the crucial role of architecture to re-connect and give value to these places through the creation of vital paths and public spaces. Architecture has the potential to intervene (to be "implanted") within pre-existing infrastructural elements in such a way as to create valuable space. In doing so, it can regenerate and strengthen an otherwise derelict urban environment by providing scalar mediation and new programming. The resulting condition could support the creation of public space while allowing for future growth and development in creating vital links between public spaces and programs otherwise divided by the infrastructure. In 1893, a railroad network was put in place in Massachusetts, stemming from the center of Boston and radiating to major metropolitan areas to the South and to the West. The Massachusetts government wanted to be at the forefront of those trying to take hold of the power and potential of the steam locomotive, harnessing it to allow for maximum travel and importation of goods. In 1950, the SouthEast Expressway was built. These two elements have had limitless impact upon the communities which they invade (Kennedy, 34). Setting up a framework that mediates the edge where the city meets transportation fabric, creates possibilities of new opportunities, where once there was a barrier. The site of Dorchester, Massachusetts is a place that is a manifestation of the divide that has been created by the infrastructure. On the one side of the train tracks and highway infrastructure is a dense neighborhood void of green space and significant identity. On the other, is a peninsula that juts out into the Atlantic called Harbor Point. Located on Harbor Point are the UMASS, Boston campus, the John F. Kennedy Memorial Library, a mixed use housing development with walkable amenities and a diverse coastline. As is typical with much of the Boston terrain, Harbor point was added as infill in 1930. Though physically connected to the mainland of the Dorchester neighborhood, it maintains this identity of separate part and piece. I want to attach onto that which has divided the area, the infrastructure. I want to use the idea of the train, the way in which it facilitates accessibility and mobility and use it to spur future growth of the area. The nature of the infrastructure that has created an environment for the train and automobile that is out of scale with the human body that utilizes it on a regular basis. I want to use this infrastructure to create an intervention that reclaims areas divided by impassable barriers.

In a context of globalization of flows and productive systems, infrastructure and logistics activities play a major role in the economy and confront territories with new challenges. For the last twenty years, the development of logistics activities has been the joint response of the tension in flow and the manifestation of the growing outsourcing of logistics by industrial and commercial companies. Thus, a new economic sector is built from the 1990s which can be considered as a lever of the economic competitiveness and attractiveness of territories (Masson and Petiot, 2012). This issue is highlighted by the French State in the meetings of the National Conference on Logistics which resulted, in 2017, in the definition of a national strategy for logistics «France Logistique 2025» based on a framework document that puts regions at the heart of the strategy (National Logistics Conference, 2017). In addition, the spatial dynamics of logistics sites raise major challenges in terms of sustainable development. Increasingly associated with intensive land resource practices, logistics platforms are highly space-consuming. They concentrate large flows of goods, which are highly demanding on the transport system, especially on the road. The question of logistical planning covers covers the delicate issues of land control in urban areas but also modal shifting. In a context of globalization of flows and productive systems, infrastructure and logistics activities play a major role in the economy and confront territories with new challenges. For the last twenty years, the development of logistics activities has been the joint response of the tension in flow and the manifestation of the growing outsourcing of logistics by industrial and commercial companies. Thus, a new economic sector is built from the 1990s which can be considered as a lever of the economic competitiveness and attractiveness of territories (Masson and Petiot, 2012). This issue is highlighted by the French State in the meetings of the National Conference on ...