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This article explores the relationship between hybrid regimes and civil society. It examines the extant debate between 'neo-Tocquevilleans' and their opponents over whether or not a robust civil society portends democratic transition and consolidation. It demonstrates the limits of these two models by arguing that civil society in hybrid regimes can in fact agitate against the state, advocate for democratic freedoms and achieve significant political reforms even when these do not lead to broader democratization. To demonstrate, this article documents the case of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions through 15 years of complex Iraqi politics, from the 2003 US-led intervention and during the incumbency of Prime Minister's Maliki (2006–2014) and Abadi (2014–2018). By analysing primary materials produced by and about the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions, it finds that this case holds important lessons for those seeking to understand the complex interface between civil society and the state in hybrid regimes.

Far from being senseless acts perpetrated by barbarous savages, ISIS's heritage destruction has been carefully staged and sends clear and deliberate messages.

Seemingly senseless desecration of monuments in Syria and Iraq was in fact carefully planned and executed to promote the jihadist group's lifestyles.

The toppling of Saddam Hussein in 2003 saw Iraq's media sector shift from a handful of state-run media outlets that served as propaganda machines, to a vast array of Iraqi-owned newspapers, radio stations and television channels which are being fervently produced and avidly consumed nationally. Not unexpectedly, several problems have accompanied this divergent, ad-hoc and highly volatile mediascape. Although recognizing important factors, including dangers faced by Iraqi journalists, and the dearth of appropriate press laws, this article focuses instead on attempts by certain key foreign and domestic political bodies to manufacture consent in Iraq via their interference in the post-Saddam media sector. These foreign influences are Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United States, each of which funds, controls and manipulates different Iraqi media outlets. Not surprisingly, the United States has been the most active in this respect, utilizing both overt and clandestine propaganda techniques as well as forced closures to control the Iraqi media sector. Unfortunately, measures such as these are not limited to foreign governments: both the Iraqi government and the Kurdish Regional Government have used similar means to control and silence Iraq's nascent public sphere. The article concludes by noting the irony of limited press freedom in Iraq during this crucial phase of its transition from despotism to democracy.

Recent years have seen constant reports on the failures of governance and the crisis of democracy. By examining cases like Global Financial Crisis, the Arab Revolutions and Wikileaks this volume highlights tensions between governance and democracy during times of crisis and examines the prospects of democratising governance in the 21st Century.

Recent years have seen near constant reports on the failures of governance and the crisis of democracy. The critical nexus between the ever-increasing array of crises that modern representative democracies face and the widening reliance on an array of undemocratic governance mechanisms and networks to meet and manage these crises needs urgent and in-depth scholarly attention. This book therefore seeks to investigate the ways in which representative democracy might better handle environmental, political, social and economic crises in the twenty-first century by making the mechanisms of governance more democratic. By examining cases such as the global financial crisis, the arab revolutions, Wikileaks and climate change, this volume highlights the tensions between governance and democracy during times of crisis and examines the prospects of democratising governance in the twenty-first century and beyond.

Takes a fresh look at the history of democracy, broadening the traditional view with previously unexplored examples. This substantial reference work critically re-examines the history of democracy, from ancient history to possible directions it may take in the future. 44 chapters explore the origins of democracy and explore new - and sometimes surprising - examples from around the world. Each of the 9 parts introduces the period, followed by 3 to 7 case studies. Key Features. The first book to study lesser-known histories of democracy alongside familiar examples Includes historical accounts from leading scholars that document the development of democratic practices in their area or epoch of interest Contributors include Jack Goody, John Keane, Larbi Sadiki, James Anderson, John Fisher and Seymour Drescher Split into 9 parts. Part I: Pre-Classical Democracy. Pre-history o The Assyrians o Ancient India o Ancient China o Islam and Phoenicia Part II: Classical Democracy. Early Greece and Sparta o Athens o Rome Part III: Medieval Democracy. Islam o Venice o The Nordic Countries o Medieval Church Part IV: Early Modern Period. English Parliament o Diggers and Levellers o Swiss Cantons o America o French Revolution Part V: Contacts and Colonialisms. Africa o Native Americans o Australasia o Colonial Singapore Part VI: National Movements. 1808: South American Liberation o 1848: European Revolutions o 1919: After Versailles o 1945: Post WWII o 1989: Eastern Europe Part VII: Peoples' Movements. Anti-Slavery o Women's Suffrage o Socialism, Communism, Anarchism o Civil Rights Part VIII: Democracy Today. Anti-Apartheid in South Africa o 'Rose Revolution' in Georgia o Iraq o Bolivia o Burma o Chinese Local Democratisation o Islam since 9/11 Part IX: Futures and Possibilities. Transnational Democracy o Digital Democracy o Deliberative Democracy o Democracy Promotion o Radical Democracy o Democracy: New Thinking About an Old Ideal

"This book explores the intriguing idea that there is much more democracy in human history than is generally acknowledged. It establishes that democracy was developing across greater Asia before classical Athens, clung on during the 'Dark Ages', often formed part of indigenous governance and is developing today in unexpected ways"--