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ObjectiveTo explore how 1.5‐generation immigrant adolescents' feelings of gratitude and indebtedness toward their parents are manifested and shape their intergenerational relations after migration.BackgroundThe emotions of gratitude and indebtedness result from experiences of receiving and are central to the process of reciprocity. Although closely connected, gratitude and indebtedness are distinct and may have different consequences for intergenerational relations. The contextual nature of gratitude and indebtedness becomes particularly evident in immigration context.MethodSemistructured interviews were conducted with 80 adolescents who were 1.5‐generation immigrants. Data analysis was guided by the grounded theory approach.ResultsResults comprise an evolving theory of adolescents' gratitude and indebtedness in intergenerational relations after family migration. In immigrant families, intergenerational relations are strained by a sense of indebtedness and bolstered by a sense of gratitude. That said, gratitude and indebtedness are also associated with ambivalence and intersect to affect intergenerational relations concurrently.ConclusionEmotions of gratitude and indebtedness toward parents are often experienced by immigrant adolescents after migration regardless of their cultural or ethnic background. These emotions shape intergenerational communication in immigrant families.ImplicationsSocial workers, teachers, integration services, and anyone working with immigrant families with teenagers may benefit from better understanding how adolescents experience gratitude and indebtedness within intergenerational relations and how these emotions are associated with parent–child relationship characteristics after migration.

Abstract. In this study we tested an integrated model of the relationship between immigrants' linguistic acculturation, socioeconomic status (SES), perceived discrimination, social support networks, general health status, and psychological well-being. A nationwide adult probability sample (N = 2360) included Finnish repatriates and Russian and Estonian immigrants from the former Soviet Union, Russia, and Estonia. In the total sample, linguistic acculturation was directly and negatively related to psychological well-being. Increased acculturation also influenced well-being indirectly through an increase in perceived discrimination. Although acculturation also increased the use of ethnic and host support networks, the effect of these social support networks on well-being depended on the stress level. Particularly, the direct effect of acculturation on well-being disappeared and was instead mediated by social support networks when examining the more vulnerable subsamples of the study, i.e., women and those who perceived substantial discrimination. Higher levels of SES were linked to better well-being through increased health status. It was concluded that the acculturation process plays a dual role in psychological functioning and that it is important to ensure more directly not only immigrants' cultural but also their socioeconomic integration.

The present study among Ingrian-Finnish remigrants (N = 153) from Russia to Finland examined the effects of anticipated discrimination in the pre-migration stage on the way intergroup relations are perceived and multiple cultural identities are formed in the post-migration stage. First, the results indicated that anticipated discrimination in the pre-migration stage affected perceived discrimination, permeability of group boundaries, and group status legitimacy in the post-migration stage. Second, anticipated discrimination in the pre-migration stage was not directly associated with any of the identities in the post-migration stage, but it was indirectly associated with national identification, via perceived discrimination and permeability of group boundaries. Perceived discrimination and impermeability of group boundaries in the post-migration stage were associated with lower levels of remigrants' national (Finnish) identification in the new homeland. Third, the perceived legitimacy of Ingrian-Finns' low status was associated with increased Russian minority identification. The findings extend previous research on the effects of anticipated intergroup contact on actual intergroup encounters on the one hand, and on the effects of perceived discrimination, status legitimacy, and permeability of group boundaries on national and ethnic identification among immigrants, on the other.

Accessing information online is now easier than ever. However, also false information is circulated in increasing quantities. We sought to identify social psychological factors that could explain why some people are more susceptible to false information. Specifically, we investigated whether psychological predispositions (social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, system justification beliefs (SJB), openness, need for closure, conspiracy mentality), competencies (scientific and political knowledge, interest in politics) or motivated reasoning based on social identity (political orientation) could help explain who believes fake news. Hungarian participants (N = 295) judged political (anti- and pro-government) and non-political news. The Hungarian context—characterized by low trust in media, populist communication by the government and increasing polarization—should be fertile ground for the proliferation of fake news. The context in making this case particularly interesting is that the major political fault line in Hungary runs between pro- and anti-government supporter groups and not, for instance, between conservative and liberal ideology or partisanship. We found clear support for the motivational reasoning explanation as political orientation consistently predicted belief in both fake and real political news when their contents aligned with one's political identity. The belief in pro-government news was also associated with higher SJB among pro-government supporters. Those interested in politics showed better capacity to distinguish real political news from the fake ones. Most importantly, the only psychological predisposition that consistently explained belief in all types of fake news was a conspiracy mentality. This supports the notion of ideological symmetry in fake news belief—where a conspiracy mentality can be found across the political spectrum, and it can make people susceptible to disinformation regardless of group-memberships and other individual differences. ; Peer reviewed

Abstract
Multiculturalism is a controversial concept and a debated topic. To develop scientific analysis and inform political discussions, it is important to study how lay people evaluate it. Previous research has mostly regarded attitudes towards multiculturalism as unidimensional. This research often relies on the operationalisation offered by the Multicultural Ideology Scale (MIS), in which minorities' cultural maintenance and acceptance of cultural diversity are central. In this multimethod study, we take a critical perspective on such operationalisation and examine majority of Finns' responses to MIS in a survey and in focus group discussions. By approaching evaluation processes as social interaction, we challenge the unidimensionality assumption of attitudes towards multiculturalism. We show how cultural essentialism and nationalism are used in arguing for and against multiculturalism, and in negotiating its boundaries so that the majority can keep its dominant position. This conflicts with recognition and equality that are widely considered as cornerstones of multiculturalism.

Multiculturalism is a controversial concept and a debated topic. To develop scientific analysis and inform political discussions, it is important to study how lay people evaluate it. Previous research has mostly regarded attitudes towards multiculturalism as unidimensional. This research often relies on the operationalisation offered by the Multicultural Ideology Scale (MIS), in which minorities' cultural maintenance and acceptance of cultural diversity are central. In this multimethod study, we take a critical perspective on such operationalisation and examine majority of Finns' responses to MIS in a survey and in focus group discussions. By approaching evaluation processes as social interaction, we challenge the unidimensionality assumption of attitudes towards multiculturalism. We show how cultural essentialism and nationalism are used in arguing for and against multiculturalism, and in negotiating its boundaries so that the majority can keep its dominant position. This conflicts with recognition and equality that are widely considered as cornerstones of multiculturalism.

AbstractNational identities are an important tool for collective political persuasion and mobilisation among political elites and lay people. Recent research on nationalism has shown that the negotiating of national identities, like any political deliberations and operations, increasingly occur on the Internet. In this study, we contribute to this research by examining the relational construction of Finnish identity online. More specifically, we focus on how the users of the largest discussion forum in Finland constructed Russia as a threat. A massive dataset spanning 12 years enables us to map the recurring patterns and temporal shifts in the discussions. We show that the construction of Russia as a threatening national other was used to both oppose and support Finland's alliance with the West, namely, becoming a member of NATO.