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Contents -- Introduction. Combating Obesity and Subsidizing Fast Food Expansion -- One. Solving Urban Challenges Through Fast Food -- Two. Searching for New Urban Markets -- Three. Creating Fast Food Cities with Government Help -- Four. Diversifying out of Necessity -- Five. Shoring Up the Urban Market -- Six. Making Sense of Recent Fast Food Policies -- Seven. Unpacking Links Between Fast Food and Obesity -- Conclusion. Proposing Solutions -- Acknowledgments -- Appendix -- Notes -- Index.

Contents -- About the Authors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- 1.1 Japanese Politics in Flux -- 1.2 Party Competition and Ideology -- 1.3 Organization of the Book -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 2: Understanding Ideological Semantics -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Dimensions of Ideological and Party Competition -- 2.3 Data and Variables -- 2.4 Empirical Analysis -- 2.5 Summary and Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 3: Perceptions of Parties' Ideological Locations and the Generation Gap -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Generational and Life-Cycle Effects

After decades of stable and seemingly semi-permanent single-party dominance, Japanese politics have gone through fundamental changes since the early 1990s. Government ministries have been reorganised, prime ministerial powers strengthened, and rules for electing the lower house of parliament overhauled. Furthermore, frequent formation, merger, splintering and disappearance of new parties have continued for more than two decades. How do citizens make sense of politics amidst such rapid shifts? The authors address this question by focusing on attitudinal and behavioural changes and continuities with respect to political ideology. They explore what issues citizens associate with ideological terms, where they perceive various parties on a conservative-progressive dimension, and to what extent ideology affects their vote choice. Results of new surveys are also presented to shed light on distinctions between different ideological labels and profiles of radical right supporters. In addition, all topics are discussed with an eye to identifying divergent patterns between older and younger generations.

In Charleston, Maine, a town of about 1,500 near the center of the state, there is an orchard with 750 apple trees and a farm where a variety of produce is grown.1 This bucolic setting is on the grounds of the Mountain View Correctional Facility, a 374-bed minimum- and medium-security state prison.2 Incarcerated people tend to the apple trees and vegetables, and every year they cultivate 100,000 pounds of produce that wind up on their prison cafeteria, or chow hall, trays.3 Writing for the New York Times in 2021, Patricia Leigh Brown highlighted how Mountain View's prison food service manager Mark McBrine, who also happened to be "an organic farmer with dirt under his fingernails," was "making the prison a pioneer in a nascent farm-to-prison table movement."4 According to multiple media outlets that have reported on Mountain View's food system, it is a model to be emulated—both an antidote to dreary prison food and a cost-saver for the state of Maine.5

AbstractBoth general publics and elites have long used labels of left and right as cues for political communication and vote choice in Western democracies. This study examines the utility of these spatial semantics as means of encapsulating major political cleavages in East Asian democracies. Through analysis of public opinion surveys, we investigate the influence of organizational affiliation; views on socio-economic, religious, and 'new politics' issues, as well as attitudes toward the political system, as anchors of public understanding of the left–right dimension in Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan. Patterns found in these countries are compared with two 'Western' nations in the region, Australia and New Zealand. Results show that citizens' left–right positions in Japan and the Australasian countries are more clearly structured by well-defined cleavages, such as socio-economic issues and post-materialism, and that parties in these countries compete on the basis of clearer ideological profiles. In contrast, despite high rates of cognition of the left–right scale in South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan, left–right orientations are less firmly anchored in attitudes and policy preferences. These differences in publics' level of ideological conceptualization are likely related to party system development and democratic experience.

This study examines the effects of socio-demographic and political factors on district level turnout in the 2005 and 2009 Japanese general elections. Results show that marginality is a strong predictor of turnout, while the effects of age structure, joblessness, and primary sector employment vary across elections.

The left–right schema has long been used in analyzing political cleavages in established democracies. This study applies the schema in a post-communist context by examining the structuring of political attitudes in Slovenia and Croatia. Findings from six public opinion surveys in each country during the 1990s demonstrate that left–right orientations in both countries are consistently influenced by religious beliefs, while an additional dimension focusing on democratization is found in Croatia. Economic issues did not constitute a significant axis of political competition. Changes and continuities in party locations and the basis of vote choice according to party supporters' left–right placements are also discussed.