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Značaj rodnog aspekta za kreiranje i reprodukciju orijentalizma uočio je još i tvorac koncepta Edvard Said. Kako je (neo)orijentalistički diskurs opstao i u savremeno doba, a naročito se intenzivirao u 'post 9/11' eri, kao i u kontekstu migracija sa Bliskog istoka, veoma je važno proučiti specifično vulnerabilnu poziciju muslimanki koje su višestruko marginalizovane: i kao stanovnice Orijenta i kao migrantkinje i kao žene. U radu su predstavljeni zapadni diskursi o mogućnostima i metodama 'spašavanja' muslimanki, kao i teorijski kritički osvrt na iste. Autorka rada akcenat stavlja na konstruisanje devijantnosti tj. na formiranje slike o svojevrsnoj seksualno devijatnoj subkulturi na osnovu kulturne različitosti, kao i na društvene i političke posledice takve ideologije i retorike. Na kraju, ponuđen je i polemički odgovor u vidu stavova feministkinja i feminista u okviru široko postavljene islamske tradicije borbe za ravnopravnost žena. Uvid u islamski feminizam je od presudnog značaja za holističko razumevanje rodnog aspekta savremenog multikulturalizma kao i za dekonstrukciju stereotipa. ; This paper proceeds from an assumption emphasized by the creator of the concept of Orientalism, Edward Said. His standpoint is that the gender aspect of Occidental attitude towards the Orient is very important for the understanding of the whole complex process of reducing and simplifying the perception of Oriental societies. A specific view of the oriental woman which was formed in the 18th and 19th centuries can also be identified in contemporary Western societies. Although the symbols and the iconography are different, the logic of contradicting women's oriental otherness remains the same. The Muslim women are perceived as submissive, vulnerable and obedient. Western discourses are marked by the need to 'rescue' these endangered women. The methods of 'salvation' are different and they range from sexist to feminist. The feminist form of Western 'salvation' is theoretically more interesting and has been critically responded to by many (Western) authors who disagree with the imperative of adopting Western feminism as the only way to achieve gender equality. In order to clarify the arguments that are in favour of both streams of thought, we have presented various views within the framework of Islamic feminism itself. Without a desire to give the final conclusion, in the end we looked at the possibilities of eclecticism in these theoretical feminist schools of thought that would contribute to the better position of all Muslims in the contemporary context, and especially to the Muslim women. The main goal is to deconstruct images of Muslims as a deviant subculture based on the fact that their customs and beliefs are different.

U ovom radu primenićemo teorijski okvir minimalne definicije demokratije (tj. izborne demokratije) na primer Republike Tunis nakon promena koje su se dogodile posle Arapskog proleća. Želimo da ilustrujemo hipotezu da demokratska politička kultura, koja ima kontinualan karakter, može imati važnu ulogu u održavanju nukleusa demokratije - izbornog procesa. Takođe, pokušaćemo da pokažemo da su specifično (liberalno i tolerantno) kulturno- istorijsko nasleđe i politička praksa u Tunisu važni faktori za formiranje i održavanje demokratije u toj zemlji (bar na minimalnom tj. izbornom nivou). Cilj nam je da pokušamo da damo makar okvirnu ocenu da li se Tunis, nekoliko godina nakon Arapskog proleća, može nazvati izbornom demokratijom. Posredno, biće reči i o tome da li i na koji način islam može biti prepreka demokratizaciji jednog društva. ; In this paper, we will apply the theoretical framework of the minimal definition of democracy (electoral democracy) to the example of the Republic of Tunisia after the changes that have occurred after The Arab Spring. We wish to illustrate the hypothesis that democratic political culture, which has a permanent character, can play an important role in maintaining the nucleus of democracy - the electoral process. Also, we will try to show that specific (liberal and tolerant) cultural - historical heritage and political practice in Tunisia are important factors for the formation and maintenance of democracy in that country (at the minimum level). Our goal is to try to give a general evaluation of whether Tunisia, a few years after The Arab Spring, can rate as electoral democracy. Indirectly, we will discuss how Islam can be barrier to the democratization of society.

Dostignut nivo demokratičnosti jedno je od najvažnijih pitanja za sociologiju politike. Izborna demokratija može da posluži kao precizan i validan referentni sistem za longitudinalno praćenje razvoja demokratije u nekoj zemlji, pa čak i kao adekvatan metodološki okvir za međudruštvenu komparaciju. U ovom radu analizuju se parlamentarni izbori u Srbiji 2014. godine koristeći se teorijskim konceptom minimalne definicije demokratije. Nakon primene nekoliko kriterijuma koje postulira dati teorijski okvir, daje se procena o tome da li Srbiju i dalje (kao nakon izbora 2012) možemo svrstati u kategoriju zemalja u kojima je na snazi izborna demokratija. ; Question of the achieved level of democracy in a given society is one of the most important issues in sociology of politics. We believe that electoral democracy can serve as an accurate and valid reference system for longitudinal monitoring of the development of democracy in the country, and it can even serve as an adequate methodological framework for comparison between states. In this paper we will try to give an objective analysis of the parliamentary elections in Serbia in 2014 using the theoretical concept of minimal definition of democracy. After the application of several criteria which postulated by theoretical framework, we will try to give an assessment on whether is Serbia still can be classified into the category of countries with effective electoral democracy (as we could after the previous election held in 2012).