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"Martin Heidegger's (1889-1976) criticism of Friedrich Nietzsche's nihilism represented a 'turn' in his thought. In this new and perceptive book, Dominic Kelly explores nihilism through the work of two relatively modern and much studied philosophers; Heidegger and Nietzsche and shows how Heidegger began to think in a way that was not solely philosophical and instead used poetry to achieve a new relation to being. In doing so, Heidegger was able to move past Nietzsche's concepts and thus, nihilism itself. Through his exploration of Heidegger's journey to a form of thinking beyond the philosophical then, Kelly exposes nihilism's crucial place in Continental philosophy and has written a book that is essential for students and academics working in Heidegger studies. Kelly's engagement with Heidegger's more poetic philosophy also benefits students of metaphysics, the philosophy of art and aesthetics, and visual culture more widely. By putting nihilism into its historical context and examining its Ancient Greek origins, Kelly's book will also be of use to those studying early philosophical thought - a requirement for all philosophy courses -- and provides a valuable account of nihilism's historical trajectory."--

Political history at its best. This is the story of the hard right in Australia - of how Ray Evans and his boss at Western Mining Corporation, Hugh Morgan, became the pioneers of a new form of right-wing activism whose forceful reshaping of public debates transformed Australian politics. With a calm gaze, forensic detail and a dry wit, Dominic Kelly shows how they did it. Starting in the mid-1980s, Evans set up four small but potent organisations: the H.R. Nicholls Society (industrial relations), the Samuel Griffith Society (constitutional issues), the Lavoisier Group (climate change) and the Bennelong Society (Indigenous affairs). Their aim was to transform public debate on key issues. Morgan and Evans had an energy that bordered on fanaticism. They lobbied politicians and wrote op-eds. They were born intriguers and colourful rhetoricians, with a wide influence that famously included treasurer-to-be Peter Costello. It was Bob Hawke who called the H.R. Nicholls Society 'political troglodytes and economic lunatics'; yet in their dogged pursuit of influence, the hard right made an impact. From successive backdowns on emissions targets to the rejection of the Uluru Statement from the Heart, the efforts of hard right conservatives continues to be felt today - not only on the right but across mainstream public policy. Political Troglodytes and Economic Lunatics is a compelling case study in how some very determined people can change a political culture

This paper deploys the Gramscian concepts of hegemony and consent in order to explore the process whereby nuclear power was brought to Japan. The core argument is that nuclear power was brought to Japan as a consequence of US hegemony. Rather than a simple manifestation of one state exerting material 'power over' another, bringing nuclear power to Japan involved a series of compromises worked out within and between state and civil society in both Japan and the USA. Ideologies of nationalism, imperialism and modernity underpinned the process, coalescing in post-war debates about the future trajectory of Japanese society, Japan's Cold War alliance with the USA and the role of nuclear power in both. Consent to nuclear power was secured through the generation of a psychological state in the public mind combining the fear of nuclear attack and the hope of unlimited consumption in a nuclear-fuelled post-modern world. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractPublic views regarding the punishment of offenders have been extensively examined. Yet, the opinions of prison staff have been relatively less well documented, despite the clear implications of such views in officers' use of personal discretion on the job. The aim of the study was to assess the nature and sources of punitive attitudes among prison staff from a maximum‐security prison, using surveys. It was found that the most punitive staff members had less experience and minimal contact with prisoners. The least punitive staff were those with many years of service and whose work involved direct engagement in aspects of prisoner care and rehabilitation. The implications of these findings for the recruitment and training of prison staff are discussed.

AbstractThis article examines the impact on Japan's political economy and foreign policy of its lack of natural resources. Applying the concept of Japan as a 'reactive' state to linked case studies of rice, oil and atomic power it explores aspects of the relationship between culture, institutions and political processes in domestic politics and foreign policy. In so doing it argues that Japan's poor resource endowments have driven it to engage (re)actively – and often unwisely – in international affairs, an engagement both facilitated and constrained by its close alliance with the United States. This mediated engagement will continue into the foreseeable future.