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Po okresie funkcjonowania partnerstwa społecznego w szerokiej tematycznie formule irlandzkie stosunki przemysłowe weszły w nowy etap. Można mówić o ukształtowaniu się nowego podejścia do tworzenia relacji rządu z partnerami społecznymi. Jednym z jego przejawów jest wprowadzenie mechanizmu porozumień tylko w zakresie sektora publicznego. Do takich porozumień zalicza się Umowę stabilizacyjną w sprawie sektora publicznego 2013–2018 – Lansdowne Road (Public Service Stability Agreement 2013–2018 – Lansdowne Road Agreement, LRA). Stąd też głównym celem artykułu jest prezentacja tego porozumienia z uwzględnieniem analizy ważniejszych jego zapisów oraz atmosfery wokół niego panującej. Formułuję hipotezę głoszącą, że irlandzkie centralne umowy uległy znaczącej zmianie. Stawiam dwa pytania badawcze: (1) czy redukcji uległa agenda umów centralnych i jaka jest w związku z tym problematyka dotykana przez LRA?, oraz (2) jakie emocje panują wokół porozumienia Lansdowne Road?

Ireland's industrial relations have come into a new stage of relationship between the government and social partners after a period of effective social partnership functioning. One of the symptoms of this new approach is a mechanism based on the public service agreements. The Public Service Stability Agreement 2013-2018 - Lansdowne Road Agreement (LRA) can be an example of that kind of pacts. The main goal of this paper, therefore, is a presentation of the agreement including an analysis of its significant records and atmosphere around the pact. To achieve the goal the paper is structured as follows: the introduction includes a short description of social pacts as well as new public service agreements. The second part draws our attention to LRA's records. The third section discusses the attitude of different actors of industrial relations to Lansdowne Road Agreement. Finally, the conclusion is a short summary giving answers to the researched questions.

W Irlandii, pomimo dość młodej populacji tego państwa, diagnozuje się wzrost osób starszych. Prowadzone są zatem liczne badania i studia nad procesem starzenia się społeczeństwa, zmiennymi socjoekonomicznymi charakteryzującymi tę część populacji oraz jej potrzebami. Wiąże się to z koniecznością projektowania i wdrażania określonych rozwiązań w polityce publicznej, wręcz wymusza pewne posunięcia ze strony rządzących, m.in. w sferze systemu emerytalnego. W związku z tym, głównym celem artykułu jest prezentacja najważniejszych danych związanych z systemem emerytalnym Irlandii oraz dochodami osób w wieku 65 lat i starszych. Realizując to dążenie, zaprezentowano w opracowaniu dane demograficzne, elementy systemu emerytalnego w tym państwie oraz informacje o dochodach osób starszych. W części poświęconej populacji Irlandiizostały ujęte nie tylko bieżące i starsze dane na temat udziału osób 65+ w społeczeństwie, lecz także przedstawiono prognozy dla tej grupy wiekowej, uwzględniając różne scenariusze migracji i dzietności. Wykorzystano te zmienne do ilustracji procesu starzenia się społeczeństwa oraz ukazania głębokości i powagi tego zjawiska w przyszłości. Z kolei w sekcji poświęconej systemowi emerytalnemu kierujemy naszą uwagę na składowe tego systemu, takie jak emerytura państwowa, emerytura zawodowa czy emerytura prywatna.Ich znaczenie dla osób starszych analizuje część poświęcona dochodom, jakie w Irlandii osiąga ta grupa wiekowa. W tej sekcji omówiono więc źródła dochodów, ich wysokość, procentowy rozkład oraz zmienne wpływające na dochód, takie jak wykształcenie, sektor zatrudnienia, liczba przepracowanych lat.

Despite the relatively young population of Ireland a growth of the elderly can be observed in this country. Therefore, a vast number of research and studies on society ageing and socio-economic variables characteristic for this part of society as well as on its needs are conducted. It is related to the requirement of designing and implementing certain schemes in the public policy. It even enforces some specific actions on the government, inter alia in the pension system. The main aim of the paper, therefore, is a presentation of the most important data referring to Ireland's pension system as well as the incomes of people aged 65 and over. Bearing this goal in mind the study shows some demographic data, the elements of Irish pension system and information about incomes of the elderly. Thus, the section referring to Ireland's population shows not only present and previous data related to the participation of the elderly in society, but it also presents the projections for this age group, taking into consideration the different scenarios of migration and fertility.. We use these variables to illustrate ageing as well as to show depth and seriousness of this process in the future. Whereas, in the section related to the pension system we draw our attention to the components of this system such as state pension, occupational pension or private pension. The part of the paper referring to incomes that elderly people receive in Ireland analyses their importance for this age group. In this section we discuss the sources of incomes, their level and distribution as well as variables affecting incomes such as education, employment sector and the number of working years.

Irlandzki dialog społeczny w zarysie. Dialog społeczny, który może być postrzegany jako proces, który "włącza wszelkie typy negocjacji, konsultacji i wymiany informacji pomiędzy lub pośród przedstawicielami rządów, pracodawców i pracowników poświęcone zagadnieniom wspólnego interesu" funkcjonuje na szerszej arenie stosunków przemysłowych. Jeśli weźmiemy pod uwagę fakt, że w tym obszarze funkcjonują bardzo dynamiczne zjawiska, będziemy musieli zgłębić takie zagadnienia jak np. prawne, organizacyjne ramy dla dialogu społecznego, jego aktorów (włączając najważniejszych partnerów społecznych) lub tendencje w tym obszarze. Toteż głównym celem artykułu jest prezentacja tych wybranych zagadnień w kontekście irlandzkiego dialogu społecznego.

Abstract
The main aims of this article are: a presentation of the theoretical framework for the analysis of the social pacts policy (taking into consideration that social pacts are phenomena which are very difficult to clearly define) and the presentation of the practice of this policy in chosen European countries (including three cases of "using" social pacts for the shaping of public policy, taking into consideration the fact that the form and content of social pacts vary from country to country). Social pacts are very special kinds of agreements between the representatives of the state and the interest groups. They can include various issues of social and economic policies, but they can also be used for solving economic difficulties and sustaining progress, including the development of the state. Social Pacts Policy is useful for a weak state and interest groups, which as a result of it can have an influence on public policy. Although, its application is not a facile process of agreement between the state and the social partners, it can have various forms and can include different goals of social and economic policies. Similarly, the range, institutionalisation and length of social pacts are not the same in all countries. Moreover, as the article indicates it refers to the economic, cultural and social circumstances, which can also cause the disappearance of the social pacts mechanism.

Lobbying is one of the strategies applied by groups of interest. Like any other strategy it is to help achieve the goals that a particular group identifies and articulates. Paradoxically, the greatest value and the strongest enemy of lobbying is its popularity. On one hand lobbying is a series of activities that group elites willingly (e.g. in the U.S.) employ to achieve their interests. On the other hand, though, referring to the notion of lobbying in various contexts, whether in PR, marketing or journalism, it raises numerous questions. The latter, i.e. the journalistic context distorts it most severely. It is journalism that applies the name of lobbying to mysterious, to put it mildly, and dubious interactions between the private and the political sectors, thereby implying a rather derogatory 'image' of this instrument in public opinion, which is especially the case in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland. However, lobbying is more than a handy tool to achieve particular, strictly business interests, it is also an important route to implement social interests. It can be easily used by large economic groups of interest, trade unions or business organizations, wrestling with the strong third party of industrial relations, the state. By this token lobbying becomes a component of industrial relations, and by no means is it a worse party, one that is less socially-oriented and more like an 'old boys' network', but a party which can efficiently contribute to a specified social interest to be implemented in the labor market. In order to make it possible, though, appropriate regulations, conditions, and factors of a legal, organizational and cultural nature need to be developed. A profound change in this field does not seem feasible in Poland, which becomes clear when reading the long-awaited law on lobbying currently in the legislative process. Maybe we should not be very surprised, given that our industrial arena is highly susceptible to hybrid and ephemeral solutions, and the issue of making appropriate use of lobbying also leaves a margin for uncertainty and deformation. Despite these concerns and limitations caused by industrial relations it is worth improving and creating the proper environment for lobbying activity in Poland, which the authors of this paper try to demonstrate.

Lobbying is one of the strategies applied by groups of interest. Like any other strategy it is to help achieve the goals that a particular group identifies and articulates. Paradoxically, the greatest value and the strongest enemy of lobbying is its popularity. On one hand lobbying is a series of activities that group elites willingly (e.g. in the U.S.) employ to achieve their interests. On the other hand, though, referring to the notion of lobbying in various contexts, whether in PR, marketing or journalism, it raises numerous questions. The latter, i.e. the journalistic context distorts it most severely. It is journalism that applies the name of lobbying to mysterious, to put it mildly, and dubious interactions between the private and the political sectors, thereby implying a rather derogatory 'image' of this instrument in public opinion, which is especially the case in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland. However, lobbying is more than a handy tool to achieve particular, strictly business interests, it is also an important route to implement social interests. It can be easily used by large economic groups of interest, trade unions or business organizations, wrestling with the strong third party of industrial relations, the state. By this token lobbying becomes a component of industrial relations, and by no means is it a worse party, one that is less socially-oriented and more like an 'old boys' network', but a party which can efficiently contribute to a specified social interest to be implemented in the labor market. In order to make it possible, though, appropriate regulations, conditions, and factors of a legal, organizational and cultural nature need to be developed. A profound change in this field does not seem feasible in Poland, which becomes clear when reading the long-awaited law on lobbying currently in the legislative process. Maybe we should not be very surprised, given that our industrial arena is highly susceptible to hybrid and ephemeral solutions, and the issue of making appropriate use of lobbying also leaves a margin for uncertainty and deformation. Despite these concerns and limitations caused by industrial relations it is worth improving and creating the proper environment for lobbying activity in Poland, which the authors of this paper try to demonstrate. ; Lobbying is one of the strategies applied by groups of interest. Like any other strategy it is to help achieve the goals that a particular group identifies and articulates. Paradoxically, the greatest value and the strongest enemy of lobbying is its popularity. On one hand lobbying is a series of activities that group elites willingly (e.g. in the U.S.) employ to achieve their interests. On the other hand, though, referring to the notion of lobbying in various contexts, whether in PR, marketing or journalism, it raises numerous questions. The latter, i.e. the journalistic context distorts it most severely. It is journalism that applies the name of lobbying to mysterious, to put it mildly, and dubious interactions between the private and the political sectors, thereby implying a rather derogatory 'image' of this instrument in public opinion, which is especially the case in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland. However, lobbying is more than a handy tool to achieve particular, strictly business interests, it is also an important route to implement social interests. It can be easily used by large economic groups of interest, trade unions or business organizations, wrestling with the strong third party of industrial relations, the state. By this token lobbying becomes a component of industrial relations, and by no means is it a worse party, one that is less socially-oriented and more like an 'old boys' network', but a party which can efficiently contribute to a specified social interest to be implemented in the labor market. In order to make it possible, though, appropriate regulations, conditions, and factors of a legal, organizational and cultural nature need to be developed. A profound change in this field does not seem feasible in Poland, which becomes clear when reading the long-awaited law on lobbying currently in the legislative process. Maybe we should not be very surprised, given that our industrial arena is highly susceptible to hybrid and ephemeral solutions, and the issue of making appropriate use of lobbying also leaves a margin for uncertainty and deformation. Despite these concerns and limitations caused by industrial relations it is worth improving and creating the proper environment for lobbying activity in Poland, which the authors of this paper try to demonstrate.

Dialog społeczny koncentrujący się na problemach świata pracy nie zapewnia wystarczającej przestrzeni komunikacyjnej dla wszystkich obywateli. Dlatego też, co trzeba podkreślić z całą stanowczością, rozwija się dialog obywatelski, który szerzej pozwala spojrzeć na problemy społeczne i włączyć bardziej zróżnicowanych partnerów do procesu podejmowania decyzji przez władze publiczne. Głównym celem artykułu jest prezentacja dialogu obywatelskiego w ujęciu teoretycznym i praktycznym oraz ukazanie relacji dialogu społecznego z dialogiem obywatelskim, a także narzędzi i metod tego ostatniego. Druga część artykułu zawiera analizę w ujęciu teoretycznym jednej z technik dialogu obywatelskiego – konsultacji społecznych. Trzecia sekcja ukazuje studium przypadku, opisujące spotkanie informacyjne na temat dolnośląskiego budżetu obywatelskiego. W ostatniej części znajduje się podsumowanie rozważań o dialogu obywatelskim. W artykule wykorzystano dane pochodzące z literatury, w tym publikacji książkowych, czasopism, a także akty prawne oraz studium przypadku – obserwację, jak również rozmowy z uczestnikami spotkania konsultacyjnego.

Social dialogue focusing on the problems of work does not deliver a sufficient area of communication for all citizens. It is important, therefore, to note that civil dialogue develops and permits to look at social problems in a wider manner as well as to include various partners to decisions made by the public authorities. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to present civil dialogue in a theoretical and practical way. For that reason, making the detailed objectives of the study, we turn our attention to the relationship between social and civil dialogue, as well as the methods of civil dialogue. In the second section we wish to investigate one of these methods – namely, public consultation in a theoretical way. The third part of this paper describes a case study analysing an information meeting over the Lower Silesian participatory budget. In the final section we conclude our reflections about civil dialogue. The paper uses data from scientific literature, acts as well as the case study – observations and interviews with the participants of the consultative meeting.