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The United States … wants to enhance its own strategic position in south-central Eurasia, much as Great Britain attempted in the late nineteenth century. This effort encompasses anti-terrorism and the pursuit of oil, but many in Washington also see it as an end in itself—as the natural behavior of a global superpower engaged in global dominance.

As part of our occasional post–September 11 series on terrorism, contributing editor Michael Klare examines the motives behind America's decision to make Iraq a central objective in the war on terrorism. "If concerns about weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, and the export of democracy do not explain the administration's determination to oust Saddam Hussein, what does? The answer [can be found in] the pursuit of oil and the preservation of America's status as the paramount world power."

If the United States wants to reduce its exposure to terrorism and avert further involvement in overseas conflicts, the choice is clear: it must eschew the use of military force to ensure access to foreign petroleum and rely instead on conservation, the market, and alternative sources of energy.

The United States cannot increase its intake of foreign oil by 50 percent, as called for under the Bush energy plan, without involving itself in the political, economic, and military affairs of the states from which all this petroleum is expected to flow. This involvement may take financial and diplomatic forms in most cases, but it will also often entail military action.

Much about [September 11], and the larger terror campaign of which it is a part, distinguishes it from similar episodes in the past. This is not the work of a localized insurgency against a particular ruler or authority; it is a global assault on the very structure of modern, Western society. And yet, for all of its anti-Western ideology, it is a campaign that is thoroughly grounded in the hightech, transnational processes of globalization.

Argues that intrastate warfare can be ameliorated by controlling the global flow of illicit arms. Background to a 2001 UN conference on the illicit arms trade is briefly offered before distinguishing between the legal & black market arms trades. A comprehensive program of action should include (1) a full-range study of the illicit arms trade; (2) the establishment of a clearinghouse for information related to illicit arms dealers; (3) the establishment of uniform, easily authenticated arms transfer documentation; (4) enhancing the ability of developing countries to monitor the flow of weapons into, through, & from their territory; (5) globally declaring all known & suspected illegal arms traffickers persona non grata; & (6) establishing mechanisms for multilateral efforts to confront illicit trafficking networks. J. Zendejas