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The aim of the paper is to show how the peculiarities of the Venezuelan political system, expressed by Nicolas Maduro and implemented by forces concentrated around this person, affect in-ternational security. The article shows that there is a close correlation between the illiberal political system of contemporary Venezuela and the behavior of the authorities of this country on the interna-tional forum. The degree of military involvement of the Russian Federation in Venezuela was as-sessed. It has been shown that the political system of contemporary Venezuela is petrified by the features of the authoritarian system; thus these features become the source of its weakness. This, in turn, enables countries supporting Maduro's rule to strengthen their positions in this country, which Russia also benefits from. Russia benefits, however, from this situation with a visible reserve resulting from the awareness of the total economic inertia of this, nominally, one of Latin America's richest countries. It was emphasized that Moscow is increasingly taking a wait-and-see position towards Ca-racas, realizing the growing uncertainty about the investments made so far in the country.

Purpose: The aim of the article is to show a kind of reevaluation of international legal regulations on safety and security of contemporary countries. The essence of this process is a visible reversal of the perception of legal regulations contained in legal acts of the universally understood international law as effective. The author's intention is to characterize various models of public safety management in the time of a pandemic. In particular, the author analyzes the effectiveness of the most controversial measures used by state authorities to limit the effects of the COVID-19 virus. Design/Methodology/Approach: The article refers to both selected solutions functioning in the national law systems of individual countries, as well as acts of international law. The analysis essentially uses the comparative and historical-legal methods. The text is based on the analysis of selected legal acts, positions of representatives of the doctrine, literature, and documents. Findings: The results showed that despite the continuous process of positivization of threats - both at the level of national and international law and the creation of more and more perfect catalogs of human rights, in the face of the coronavirus pandemic, the current belief in the durability of the developed value system in the field of protection of individual rights becomes seriously threatened. It was emphasized that the pandemic period was a specific test of the mechanisms of democracy. Attention was drawn to the high probability of changes in the content of the international agreements in force so far in the field of international human rights law. Moreover, it was indicated that once the current threat is contained, the necessary redefinition of the material legal and procedural conditions related to the application of disease reduction measures in pandemic states in national legal systems will occur. Practical Implications: The considerations in the article may be useful in designing national models of public safety management. Originality/Value: The article extends the available literature in the field of both international security law and legal security conditions of individual countries. The study offers an in-depth insight into activities - often controversial - undertaken by the authorities of selected countries under various models of public safety management and protection of citizens' health. ; peer-reviewed

The article is an attempt to outline the manifestations of the legal and political system's nihilism, the occurrence of which the author to some extent attributes to the policy of the Piłsudski political camp after 1926. The subject of the study is to determine the attitude of the leading activists of the Sanation camp to the political system practice and legal practice, seen for the purposes of this thesis as a certain set of actions contra legem and praeter legem in relation to the legal system in force. The author also analyzes the implications of J. Piłsudski's lack of a concrete, in formal and legal terms, political program on the attitude of the Sanation political camp in relation to the application of law law and on the legal security. The legal system turned out to be a factor significantly hindering the realization of the post-May camp's plans as well as the effectiveness of the political system's initiatives undertaken by the Piłsudski political camp. The main reason for the post-May camp's frequent recourse to activities that are to some extent attributed to the legal or political system's nihilism was the lack of deeper political intentions of the victor of the May Coup d'État. ; Artykuł stanowi próbę zarysowania przejawów nihilizmu prawnego i ustrojowego, których występowanie autor w pewnym zakresie przypisuje polityce obozu piłsudczykowskiego po 1926 r. Przedmiotem opracowania jest określenie stosunku czołowych działaczy obozu sanacyjnego do praktyki ustrojowej i prawnej, rozumianej na potrzeby niniejszego wywodu jako pewien zbiór działań zarówno contra legem, jak i praeter legem wobec obowiązującego systemu prawnego. Autor analizuje również implikacje braku skonkretyzowanego w sensie formalno-prawnym programu politycznego J. Piłsudskiego na stosunek obozu sanacyjnego do stosowania prawa oraz na bezpieczeństwo prawne. System prawny okazał się być czynnikiem w znacznym stopniu krępującym realizację zamierzeń obozu pomajowego oraz efektywność podejmowanych przez piłsudczyków inicjatyw ustrojowych. Zasadniczym powodem tak częstego sięgania przez obóz pomajowy do działań, którym w pewnej mierze przypisuje się charakter nihilizmu prawnego czy ustrojowego, był brak głębszych zamierzeń ustrojowych zwycięzcy zamachu majowego.

BETWEEN DEMOCRATISM AND AUTHORITARIANISM — FORMATION OF THE POLITICAL PROGRAM OF THE POLISH SOCIALIST PARTY BEFORE AND AFTER MAY 1926The article presents the political debate which took place within the Polish Socialist Party after 1905, regarding the selection of real means to achieve its political goals. The Polish Socialist Party in the period of the Second Polish Republic was an evolutionist and democratic organization, standing in opposition to the ideas of an authoritarian state. The party leaders dissented from achieving political program objectives through methods typical of revolutionary radicalism. The authoritarian fascinations of the May 1926 coup d'etat in the long-term did not lead to a re-evaluation of the political program adopted at the moment of independence.

Rupture – Integration – Renewal: The gathering in Dalma and the creation of a political community in the Chronicle of the Priest of DiocleaIn this paper I would like to discuss an excerpt from the Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea that concerns a great gathering ordered by the newly baptized King Svetopelek at the fields of Dalma. The Chronicle is a rather mysterious and controversial source which presents the history of a fictional state stretching through medieval Dalmatia and the hinterland. The division of the state which took place during Svetopelek's reign shows how the chronicler believed the kingdom was to be governed. Space played a special role in the narrative about the gathering. Describing the King's actions, the Priest of Dioclea simultaneously offered a geographical and political vision of a new order. The interpretation of the events that took place in Dalma (the coronation ceremony, the process of defining the borders of the kingdom and, above all, the unification of the newly founded state community) led to the conclusion that the chronicler was most interested in the problem of creating a political community of two previously hostile groups: the barbarian Slavs and the inhabitants of coastal cities, who were the heirs of the ancient world. Zerwanie, scalenie, odnowa. Wiec w Dalmie i tworzenie się wspólnoty politycznej w Latopisie popa DukljaninaLatopis popa Dukljanina to tajemnicza i kontrowersyjna narracja, która przedstawia losy fikcyjnego państwa rozciągającego się na terenie średniowiecznej Dalmacji i interioru. W artykule omówiono jego fragment poświęcony wydarzeniom na polach Dalmy, gdzie według dziejopisu odbył się wielki zjazd zwołany przez króla Svetopelka. Przedstawiono tu liczne opinie i pomysły dotyczące interpretacji opisanych wydarzeń: ceremonię koronacyjną, proces wytyczania granic, a przede wszystkim jednanie wspólnoty nowego państwa, i sformułowano wniosek, że Dukljanina najbardziej interesowała kwestia wyodrębniania się społeczności politycznej dwóch grup – dzikich Słowian i będących spadkobiercami antycznego świata mieszkańców wybrzeża.

The aim of the article is to present the standpoints of the Polish Socialist Party against the May coup d'Etat in 1926. The paper brings close the actual influence of socialists and dependent on trade unions within the preparation and course on the May coup d'Etat 1926. The author analyses the role and influence of the socialist past of Marshal Jozef Pilsudski in obtaining the support of the leftist forces in the decisive moments of the 1926 coup d'Etat. The article contains a comparative analysis of the political postulates of the Polish Socialist Party as well as the actions taken by the leading groupings aimed at carrying out political and system reforms in the Second Polish Republic. It was shown that the concept of Polish socialists, adopted at the beginning of the 1920s, consisting of achieving program objectives through gradual and non-revolutionary socio-political reforms, paradoxically was abandoned in 1926 in favour of solutions characteristic for revolutionary groups.

The article aims to present the role played in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela by colectivos – criminal groups adhering to extreme leftist ideology. The text characterises the essence of these groups, while highlighting that they are an important factor petrifying the resistance of the Chavist ruling camp. The work also contains an analysis of the impact of colectivos on the electoral process. It was emphasized that the procedure of intimidation of the opposition by members of the discussed groups is only one of the elements that are part of the broadly defined actions carried out by the ruling camp to maintain power, and resulting not only in the deterioration of internal security, but also in violation of the principles of a democratic state governed by the rule of law. The research results indicate that these groups constitute a noticeable and important, although only secondary, means of influencing the opposition.

This article aims to define the role played by the Supreme Tribunal of Justice in the political system of contemporary Venezuela and determine the extent of the executive branch's influence on the judiciary. The research problem formulated by the author concerns the determination of the fundamental importance of the Tribunal in keeping the Chavistas in power. The paper compares the substantive legal competencies of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice with the political realities of recent years and shows why the Tribunal's activities undertaken in recent years have raised so much controversy. It has been pointed out that the Chavistas' control of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice is a significant factor enabling the supporters of Nicolas Maduro to exercise both judicial and extrajudicial control over the institutions of the judiciary and to influence the legislature, vide the deprivation of legislative powers already accomplished.