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Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Nomad-State Relationships in International Relations -- Definitions and Framework -- Framework for the Volume -- References -- Chapter 2: Nomads and States in Comparative Perspective -- Nomads and States: Some Definitions -- Cultural Ecology of Nomadic Pastoralists -- Levels of Social Complexity -- Political Structures -- East Africa -- Arabia -- Iranian Plateau -- Mongolia -- The State Victorious: The End of Nomadic Power -- References -- Chapter 3: The Anti-Nomadic Bias of Political Theory -- Nature: Political Animals -- God: The Great Leviathan -- History: The Rude Becoming Polished -- Nature, God and History -- References -- Chapter 4: Before and After Borders: The Nomadic Challenge to Sovereign Territoriality -- Introduction -- States and Pre-State Actors -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Standard of Civilization, Nomadism and Territoriality in Nineteenth-Century International Society -- Introduction -- The Standard of Civilization, Nomads and Territoriality -- The Settlement of the Steppe -- Russian Oriental Discourses Around Nomadism, Territoriality and Civilization -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 6: Frontier Energetics: The Value of Pastoralist Border Crossings in Eastern Africa -- Introduction -- How and Where Borders Were Demarcated in East Africa -- An Entropic Theory of Borders -- The Energetics of Frontiers in Eastern Africa -- The Kenyan/Ethiopian Frontier -- The Kenyan/Tanzanian Frontier -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 7: Seeing the Nomads Like a State: Sweden and the Sámi at the Turn of the Last Century -- Introduction -- Research on Swedish Sámi Politics: Chronologies and Themes -- Reaching for Souls, Then Land -- Lapp skall vara Lapp: Defining the Sámi -- Sámi Schooling and Housing -- Leviathan 2.0.

The Oslo peace process established a modified economic union between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Economic unions require extensive collaboration and are generally found between states that enjoy pacific relations and are looking to deepen integration and political ties. The choice of an economic union between these adversaries is puzzling given that the aim of the peace process was to disentangle Israelis and Palestinians by establishing two separate states. Today, after the optimism surrounding the process has faded, it is easy to see the arrangement as a perpetuation of Israeli control over Palestinian life. However, such assessments fail to consider, first, the depth of the negotiations; second, the significant differences between the outcome of the negotiations and what was previously imposed by Israel; and, third, the gap between what was negotiated and what was later implemented. This article traces the genealogy of the economic union by exploring all three factors. While the negotiators did not start with a tabula rasa, they attempted to alter the existing economic arrangement along the European neo-functionalist model of integration. This approach was later largely abandoned, and what followed bore little resemblance to the positive spillover effects in Europe.

This article revisits the Hobbesian account of the state of nature and the formation of states, attending to Hobbes's account of the family. Drawing on feminist readings, we find in the Leviathan an account of the family as a natural political community. We contend specifically that a focus on conceptions of family life in the Leviathan, and in works by Hobbes's early modern peers, points to the role of the family as a site of socialisation in the prelude to early state formation and in the formation of political hierarchies more generally – including, we suggest, the formation of international hierarchies. These accounts have thus far been missing from International Relations theory. Contra conventional IR theoretic readings of the Leviathan, the Hobbesian state of nature contains the seeds of both anarchy and hierarchy, as overlapping social configurations. While anarchy emerges clearly in the famous condition of 'war of all against all', hierarchy also exists in Hobbes's depiction of family life as a naturally occurring proto-state setting. On the basis of this contemporary feminist analysis of a classic text, we consider implications for the emerging 'new hierarchy studies' in IR.

AbstractThis article revisits the Hobbesian account of the state of nature and the formation of states, attending to Hobbes's account of the family. Drawing on feminist readings, we find in theLeviathanan account of the family as a natural political community. We contend specifically that a focus on conceptions of family life in theLeviathan, and in works by Hobbes's early modern peers, points to the role of the family as a site of socialisation in the prelude to early state formation and in the formation of political hierarchies more generally – including, we suggest, the formation of international hierarchies. These accounts have thus far been missing from International Relations theory. Contra conventional IR theoretic readings of theLeviathan, the Hobbesian state of nature contains the seeds of both anarchy and hierarchy, as overlapping social configurations. While anarchy emerges clearly in the famous condition of 'war of all against all', hierarchy also exists in Hobbes's depiction of family life as a naturally occurring proto-state setting. On the basis of this contemporary feminist analysis of a classic text, we consider implications for the emerging 'new hierarchy studies' in IR.

Abstract
There is today a well-established consensus that belligerents must be disarmed in order to reconstruct shattered states and establish a robust and durable peace in the wake of internal armed conflict. Indeed, nearly every UN peacekeeping intervention since the end of the Cold War has included disarmament provisions in its mandate. Disarmament is guided by the arrestingly simple premise that weapons cause conflict and, therefore, must be eradicated for a civil conflict to end. If the means by which combatants fight are eliminated, it is thought, actors will have little choice but to commit to peace. Disarmament is, therefore, considered a necessary condition for establishing the lasting conditions for peace. To date, however, no systematic quantitative analysis has been undertaken of the practice of disarmament and the causal mechanisms remain underspecified. This paper is a preliminary attempt to fill that gap. In it we outline a series of hypotheses with which to run future statistical analyses on the effects of disarmament programs. The success of negotiations and the durability of peace are, perhaps, the single most salient issues concerning those engaged in conflict termination efforts. We therefore focus the bulk of this paper on a review of the supposed effects of disarmament on negotiating outcomes and war recurrence.

AbstractThis article investigates the relationship between partisan foreign policy positions on Israel and the voting behavior of religious minorities in Canada. It discusses Stephen Harper's strong pro-Israeli stance in foreign policy when the Conservatives were in power and focuses on two main explanations accounting for such politicization of Israel, namely moral obligations and political clientelism. These hypotheses are tested using the 1968–2015 Canadian Election Study (CES) surveys and the 2011–2015 Vox Pop Labs election data. The results suggest that the Israeli issue had an impact on the support for the Conservatives among voters from religious minorities. Considering the effect of this foreign policy positions, Jewish Canadians are shown to be more supportive of the Conservatives, while the opposite pattern is observed among Muslim Canadians. The implications of these findings are then discussed.