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Under the guidance of people-oriented development concepts, improving residents' life satisfaction has gradually become the goal of urban governance. Based on Chinese household tracking survey data and national socio-economic statistics, this study used the entropy method, multi-layer linear regression model and geographically weighted regression model and discusses the spatial heterogeneity of the impact of objective environmental characteristics and subjective perceived characteristics of urban residential environments on residents' life satisfaction. It is of great importance to study the mechanisms through which subjective and objective characteristics of urban human settlements influence living satisfaction among residents. It is also important to discuss how to improve living satisfaction levels through the urban human settlements and to realize high-quality urban development. The research results show that in 2018, the overall level of life satisfaction among Chinese urban residents was relatively high. However, it is still necessary to continue to optimize the urban human settlements to improve residents' life satisfaction. The objective characteristics of the urban human settlements, such as natural environmental comfort and environmental health, have a significant positive impact on residents' life satisfaction. Residents' subjective perceptions of government integrity, environmental protection, wealth gap, social security, medical conditions and medical level, as well as residents' individual gender, age and health status also have a significant impact on residents' life satisfaction. The direction and intensity of effects of different elements of the urban human settlements and residents' personal attributes on urban residents' life satisfaction have different characteristics in different regions.

Since the late 1970s China has undergone a great transformation, during which time the country has witnessed an outpouring of competing schools of thought. This book analyzes the major schools of political thought redefining China's transformation and the role Chinese thinkers are playing in the post-Mao era.

Purpose
Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China's foreign policy and has played a vital role in China's relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today's world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study is to re‐examine this picture by studying China's economic statecraft in the region.


Design/methodology/approach
This paper will address following research questions: How does the Chinese foreign economic policy serve its political aspirations in East Asia? Why has China increasingly relied on a combination of economic pressures and incentives to achieve its foreign policy objectives? How effective is China's economic diplomacy as a strategic weapon? What are the limitations of such policy? What challenges does Beijing face in exercising its economic power in East Asia?


Findings
Beijing has a comprehensive, long-term grand strategy in Asia, and economic statecraft is a major component of it. Economic statecraft is a double-edged sword. It has given the People's Republic of China more political influence but frictions and disputes between China and its trading partners are growing as well. Even with the slower growth of the Chinese economy, China will continue to be a game changer for the region. The economic diplomacy has long been part of the foreign policy toolkit used by the People's Republic of China and will play more important role in the years to come.


Research limitations/implications
Thus far, China's expanding economic ties with many countries in the world have not generated significant spillover effects. Although China is the dominant economic partner for every country in East Asia, its "soft power" remains to be weak. With the slower growth of the Chinese economy, another looming issue is whether China is going to be able to make a shift away from a trade- and export-led growth model that brought its dramatic economic success. All these could lead China's economic statecraft less potent. Meanwhile, it should be noted that Asian economies that once relied on the USA are reaching a turning point as China comes to the fore, a trend that may challenge the existing international order. Should this momentum continue, it could alter the balance of power between Washington and Beijing in the region.


Practical implications
For Beijing, economic statecraft concerns both the economic dimension of foreign policy and the strategic dimension of economic policy. Although there is a growing literature on China's soft power and military capabilities, the study of the economic dimensions of China's foreign policy remains underdeveloped. With rising confidence and sophistication, Beijing has deployed economic resources to achieve geopolitical aims.


Originality/value
Needless to say, China's economic statecraft has already triggered heated debate in the United States, Asia and elsewhere in the international community. However, the study of the Chinese economic diplomacy has received relatively little scholarly attention in the English-speaking world. This paper will fill a gap in the analysis and literature.

Since Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, governance reform and innovation have become a central pillar of China's grand strategy. Meanwhile, the debate on good governance gained momentum among the Chinese intellectuals ranging from the proponents of good governance, New Leftists, liberals, champions of political meritocracy, and advocates of the Singapore model. This study uses content analysis to examine the works by leading Chinese scholars and other primary materials. This study finds that the Chinese intellectual discourse on governance is a double-edged sword. It has generated some important theoretical rendering and practical designs of the governance reforms that the Party-state could cherry-pick., Yet, the enhanced governance capacity could help the regime build up legitimacy without convergence to liberal democracy. (J Contemp China/GIGA)