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In this paper, the author defines and compares the electoral and party systems of the Kingdom of Sweden and the Republic of Croatia and deals with the changes after 2000, which for both countries represented a turning point in the party system. The author emphasizes the growing popularity of the far-right party in Sweden and the expansion of Croatia's multi-party system by abandoning the hitherto formed party structure. Both countries apply a proportional electoral system, with a difference in the choice of method of converting votes into seats. The party systems must be different due to the historical and political circumstances in which they developed in both countries. The paper compares the electoral system models and the structure of the party system of Sweden and Croatia. It analyzes the differences between the two countries to highlight both systems' positive elements as guidelines for implementing changes to improve them.

General elections were held in the Kingdom of Sweden on the 9th of September 2018; parliamentary (riksdagsval), municipal (landstingsval), and local elections (kommunalval). Citizens and residents of Sweden elect 349 members of parliament, county representatives from 20 counties, and representatives of municipalities within those counties, depending on the population in each unit. Since these are general elections, the results do not vary much, and the results are similar at all levels of government. This paper presents the results decided at all levels, detailing the results for the parliamentary elections. The results of this election took European and international public by surprise. The Sweden Democrats have crystallized as a third political option in Sweden, repeating an outstanding result in two cycles in a row. The success of the Swedish Democrats has tarnished the image of liberal and tolerant Sweden and its image of neutrality in the world. It remains to be seen how Swedish politics will respond to future challenges.

Porast broja populističkih stranaka bilježi se osamdesetih godina 20. stoljeća i u teoriji se pojavljuje nekoliko vrsta populizama. S jedne strane neki populizam promatraju kao ideologiju utemeljenu na pozitivnoj ocjeni ljudi i negativnoj ocjeni političkih elita dok s druge strane neki prepoznaju populizam kao stil političke komunikacije odnosno učestalo pozitivno pozivanje na ljude ili korištenje određenih jezičnih figura usmjerenih na upoznavanje birača. Potonje tumačenje populizma bilo je teorijska podloga za ovo istraživanje u kojem autorice, analizirajući stupanj populizma u Hrvatskom saboru, odgovaraju na pitanje ima li populističke komunikacije u Hrvatskom saboru metodom kvalitativne analize fonograma zastupničkih pitanja i replika na odgovore vlade na aktualnim prijepodnevima zastupnika 10. saziva Hrvatskog sabora od 16. rujna 2020. do 20. travnja 2022. Cilj je rada temeljem teorijske podloge Jagersa i Walgravea sveobuhvatno istražiti elemente populističkog diskursa kod zastupnika svih političkih parlamentarnih stranaka, od lijevog do krajnje desnog političkog spektra.

The basic law governing minority rights in the Republic of Croatia was adopted by The Constitutional Act on the Rights of National Minorities (CARNM) in 2002. Among other things, it provides for the election of representatives of members of national minorities in accordance with a special election act. The unified election act – Act on the Election of Councils and Representatives of National Minorities (AECRNM), which regulates the election of members of national minority councils and representatives of national minorities in local and regional self-government units, entered into force on 14 March 2019, 17 years after the adoption of the CARNM. The first elections held under the provisions of that act were the elections of representatives and members of Councils of National Minorities, held in 2019, on 5 May (first round) and 19 May (second round). The 2019 elections went unnoticed by the Croatian press, with the exception of the involvement of some local media in areas with a larger population of members of national minorities. Apart from invisibility, another problem of the 2019 elections was the low voter turnout, from 10 to 24 percent, depending on the level of the self-government unit at which the elections were held. The empirical analysis of election results and Government Reports on the implementation of the CARNM seeks to answer the questions of the extent to which national minorities were politically active in the previous election cycle (2015–2019) and whether more generous funding of political activities affects voter turnout. The evaluation of the results is also an answer to the question of whether the adoption of the new act is a step forward in promoting the political rights of national minorities in Croatia and a guide for election participants to prepare activities for the new election cycle.