Search results

This article explores the "hypersexuality" hypothesis and, in particular, the phenomenon of sex-for-crack exchanges, by drawing on recent ethnographic research with women crack users engaged in street-level sex work in New York City. Viewing sex work as work, the study identifies the existence of a hitherto hidden set of occupational norms which cohere around the concept of discrimination as a central organizing principle in street-level prostitution. The article describes the ways in which established norms in relation to price, sex acts, clients, and bartering practices govern commercial sex transactions at the street level and examines their effects in regulating both individual and collective conduct. The analysis draws attention to the deficits of previous research and, specifically, the absence of context and the lack of attention to shared cultural practices and occupational norms which have made possible the erasure of agency from representations of these women's lives.

It is argued that criminalizing "crack" pregnancies is not suited to the criminal law paradigm, ie, prenatal harm from cocaine exposure cannot be identified causally & intent to harm the fetus cannot be proven. Further, whether pregnant crack users have reasonable alternatives that allow them to desist needs to be considered. Other topics discussed include: criminalization within the framework of medical, legal, & moral interests; reproductive technologies that limit reproductive choices of low-income women & exacerbate social tensions; & the rights discourse in light of the current threats to abortion rights. It is advocated that problematic pregnancies be placed in the context of problematic lives & the interface between these lives & public institutions. 151 References. V. Wagener

This study is a qualitative exploration of two distinctive high-profile street drug markets in Sydney, Australia. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 32 street-level heroin dealers about their experiences of selling drugs in these areas, market organization, drug adulteration and quality assessment practices, and the extent and impact of violence associated with these markets. Most dealers operated independently, working for themselves or in loosely defined groups of two or three with little or no hierarchy while others acted as "runners," selling for others for a percentage of sales. A range of "folk" or nonscientific methods were employed for testing the quality of drugs, and adulteration or "cutting" of drugs was rare. Moreover, this research suggests that even during periods of heroin scarcity, increased adulteration is not an inevitable outcome. In contrast to popular perceptions, dealers in both areas cooperated with each other, and little intimidatory rivalry was reported or observed. Indeed, most participants considered violence to be fairly rare, largely avoidable, and not an inevitable consequence of their involvement in the market. Numerous popular drug market and drug dealer stereotypes about the two locations were not supported by the findings.

Images of women in the contemporary drug economy are highly mixed. Most scholars emphasize change in women's roles, some emphasize continuity, and others suggest that both change and continuity are evident. At issue is whether an increased share of women were involved in selling and higher‐level distribution roles in the crack cocaine markets of the late 1980s and early 1990s, compared to the heroin markets of the 1960s and 1970s. We present the results of an ethnographic study of women drug users conducted during 1989–92 in a New York City neighborhood. Contrary to those who suggest that crack cocaine markets have provided "new opportunities" for women, we find that such opportunities were realized by men. At the same time, the conditions of street‐level sex work, which has traditionally provided women drug users with a relatively stable source of income, have deteriorated.

This paper aims to review and examine the qualitative research literature on women in the illicit drug economy and to identify and integrate key themes using the technique of qualitative metasynthesis. A search of citation lists and online bibliographic databases identified a total of 36 studies, 15 of which met the inclusion criteria of generating findings in relation to female participation using qualitative or ethnographic research methods. Results suggest that the drug economy is a gender-stratified labor market and that while women draw on a diverse range of economic and social resources, including informal sector networks such as those involved in sex work, family, and community and welfare networks, most women in most drug markets remain confined to low-level and marginal roles.

The trajectories of people attempting to reduce harmful methamphetamine use are frequently understood within a binary framework of transitioning between states of health and disease. This framework can often be reinforced by service interactions informed by these dominant narratives of recovery and addiction. In this paper, we draw on a critical interactionist analysis of ethnographic fieldwork conducted with people who use methamphetamine, to examine how their experiences could undermine this binary, observing the ways participants experienced growth, change, and progress, without necessarily maintaining abstinence. These findings support a more diverse understanding of drug use trajectories, and we explore the concept of 'living with drug use', similar to how people live with other chronic conditions by finding 'health in illness'. Participant experiences are also interpreted within the context of counter public health, arguing for the recognition and integration of values and goals which are divergent from the implicit aims of public health practice.

Background: It is assumed that people who inject drugs (PWID) care little about their health. This emerges from social and moral perceptions of PWID and is framed by research that focuses on their morbidity and mortality. Drawing on the narratives of Australian women who inject drugs, we examined the salience of health for our participants and the contexts that structure their descriptions of health and wellbeing. Methods: We conducted qualitative interviews with 83 women who inject drugs and live with hepatitis C virus (HCV) to explore their experiences of health and health care seeking. Findings: Although the interviews focused on HCV, women discussed their health within broader contexts of drug dependence, unstable housing, unemployment, financial strain, other health issues and relationships. Concern about HCV was less pronounced than concerns about other health problems and socio-economic circumstances. Broadening the focus of health beyond drug use alone, women's narratives strongly suggest that PWID can and do care about their health. Conclusions: Whilst research and policy often focus on health problems and barriers to health amongst PWID, the women in our sample maintained positive health beliefs and behaviours. Much like other members of society, their health priorities are contextualised by cultural, economic and political factors. This suggests that health interventions aimed at women who inject drugs could build upon the salience of a range of health priorities as well as integrating these with structural interventions designed to improve housing and economic status.